Casting a dark shadow

Under the title the interview was published in Inkmagazine: http://www.inkthemagazine.com/2011/06/318/ unfortunately the post is missing. Therefore with my good friend Karthick navayan, i am uploading in this blog.

Subject: Casting a dark shadow-one of the founder’s of the Peoples War Group-K G Satyamurthy says his life is a ‘terrible joke’
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June 2, 2011 5:43 pm
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An 80-year-old man still dreams of a better tomorrow, of a society without class and caste. It is what he set out to build as a young man, what made him one of the founder’s of the Peoples War Group. But the enemy was within, caste put you in your place in the revolution. Today K G Satyamurthy says his life is a ‘terrible joke’

Text and Photograph by Asha Menon

Comrade SM is 80 and looks it. He knows the end is near, but he finds it difficult to be at ease. He has spent nearly all his life trying to create a world that is more equitable and more fair, but now he feels an emptiness that is hard to escape. “I want to create an equal world,” he had once told a police interrogator, as a young revolutionary in his thirties. Today, after having given half a century to that dream, “My life has become a terrible joke.”

His eyes seem far away. He can still remember his wife, in a blue sari, waving him goodbye as he went off to help usher in a revolution that never came. The biggest enemy, he now realises, was neither the state nor the reactionaries. It was a phantom that nobody, not even the comrades, acknowledged. Even he had overlooked it in his early years as a revolutionary. It was the ancient enemy—caste, a subject that is anathema to the communists, but something that seems almost part of an Indian’s DNA and shows itself virtually everywhere.

Today, K G Sathyamurthy, or Comrade SM, is wheelchair-bound and lives with his daughter Sridevi, an engineer at a steel plant in Vishakapatnam. “My daughter,” he says, proudly pointing to her, “she takes care of me, not the party.”

SM speaks in a whisper. His 17-year-old grandson, from his elder son, lives with the family to mind him.

SM lost his health to years of life on the run and in the jungles. Sreedevi, 52, is conflicted over her father’s politics. “He leaves when he is well and returns when he falls sick. Last time, when his party called and asked me to pick him up from Guntur, I did not go for a few days. When he was leaving that time, I had told him not to. He is diabetic and I knew they could not take good care of him in the jungle (where classes and meetings happen). But he was insistent, and left. He came back paralysed from the waist down. Even today, he keeps telling me that he will go back. All he thinks about is his party and the people. We come last.” Helpless anger and pride inflect her voice. She can’t stop a smile.

But he does not let his daughter clear away the tomes of Marx and Mao that crowd his shelf, perhaps the only bookshelf in the neighbourhood that carries such works.

K G Satyamurthy, better known as Comrade SM in his daughters’s fl at in Vishakhapatnam

Comrade SM lives today in a place that would be the epitome of all that is bourgeois. The identical housing blocks in the expansive steel plant township are all painted in pastel shades. Everyone has a sensible, private vehicle. Sreedevi’s friend once told her that the township looks like Tirupathi in the morning, with its surrounding hills, and a “naxal area” in the night because of the desolation. But his thoughts are still around the battles that can be fought and won. He still hopes, though it seems increasingly forlorn.

The beginning

It was all so different in 1967, when the “spring thunder” rumbled across the skies. Satyamurthy was an English teacher at Fatima School in Warangal, north Andhra Pradesh, where the legendary Kondapalli Seetharamiah was teaching Hindi. They quickly became friends. Kondapalli shared his disillusionment with the mainstream Marxist parties with his new friend.

Life as a teacher was comfortable. Sridevi remembers that he earned Rs 1,000. “When I started working, that was my first salary,” She muses. But for Satyamurthy teaching was not enough. He wanted to see a new, equal world and to be part of the making. He began to attend the meetings held by left leaders in small, discreet groups.

The year was 1969 and the Telangana agitation was at its height. “People were asking those who came from Andhra to leave and quit stealing their jobs. We had to go,” remembers Sridevi. “My father decided to part ways with us. We were sent away to live with our grandfather.”

Her mother was supportive of his efforts. “She told him, ‘I will take care of the children, you do something for society’,” says Sridevi. And so he morphed into the famous Comrade SM, co-founder of the People’s War Group, along with Seetharamaiah, in 1980.

He visited villages, organised squads and wrote poetry under the pseudonym Shiv Sagar. His literature inspired many people, including Varavara Rao. The Virasam leader later published all of Shiv Sagar’s poetry in the magazine he headed and also published all his books. SM steadily grew in the party. At one point there was a Rs 25,000 reward on his head. In 1972, when it was still in CPI (ML), SM was mistakenly pronounced dead and in 1974, arrested by deceit.

The police interrogator was known for his toughness, but SM did not falter. “Why do you want to waste your life? You are young,” asked the inspector.

“I want to form an equal society and eliminate poverty.”

“But that is what Indira Gandhi promises, too,” came the argument.

SM replied: “But I don’t believe in this government.”

No one would have sensed the doubts that he had begun to harbour, not even his family, who met him in jail, four years after he had left them. Even here, in the pure heart of revolution, SM was beginning to notice casteism.

“I am a Mala, an untouchable. Whenever I went for a bath, someone would leave something valuable in the bathing area to see if I stole it. They thought it was a caste habit and I guess they were testing me,” says SM. He did not react, trusting that the revolutionary culture would eliminate it in time.

He waited in vain. He could hear the echoes in the indulgent laughter of upper-caste squad members when the other castes and tribals performed their cultural programmes or sang, or in the daily assigning of tasks.

“The squad commander would ask people their caste and assign jobs on that basis,” says Sridevi. SM saw a dhobi asked to wash clothes and a barber by caste asked to shave comrades.

In 1977, KS (as Seetharamaiah was known) was arrested and SM headed the party. “When KS entered the meeting room with committee members, everyone rose in a jiffy. But when I walked in, I could see they were hesitating. Is it ok to stand for a Dalit?”

Then, there was his apparel. SM had always been simple but people noticed that the state secretaries dressed more elaborately than this national leader. “He’s a Dalit, how can he know,” was someone’s guess, with a short laugh. But SM was not amused.

“When KS was in jail, people started coming to me and telling me about the caste discrimination they faced. They were proud of me, but they were afraid to challenge the leadership.” SM started talking about BR Ambedkar’s teachings and caste discrimination in the party.

“SM said the party should encourage Dalit leadership,” says Ashok (name changed), who was part of a Naxal party front. “Dalits do not have access to education or resources and it should be the party’s responsibility to groom them as leaders, but the exact opposite was happening.”

SM also noticed that qualities generally considered essential for leadership were particular to certain castes. For example, leaders often need to be aggressive. “People from our caste are generally less so. Over the centuries, they have been conditioned to obey, so they are quickly consigned as cadre, not commanders.”

In 1986, SM stopped receiving messages from the party. “For four years, my father could not contact the party, because they abandoned him. He could not come out, fearing arrest,” says Sridevi. SM was given shelter by the Tamil Nadu and Mahashtra wings of the party.

In 1990, at a press conference held by Virasam (Viplava Rachayitula Sangham), SM declared his identity in public. “He was not arrested,” says Sridevi. “Later, a few police officials told me that he is only a philosopher, what harm can he do?”

In May 2004, a press release given by PWG to a section of the press, said SM and a few others like Pilla Venkateswara Rao had surrendered for monetary benefits from the government. SM was furious because his aversion to money was well known. Sreedevi says people in the party used to mock him for not knowing how to handle money. “My mother handled all the finances and she gave him spending money. I never understood his aversion.” Varavara Rao, too, does not refer to this accusation but instead says there were accusations that SM was trying to divide the party along with the Tamil Nadu state secretary.

In the same year, 2004, PWG merged with the Maoist Communist Centre, which was born in the mud and grime of caste politics in Bihar. It is said that it has its beginnings in 1967, in a little village called Ekwar in Bhojpur district, where Jagdeesh Mahato organised the tillers of the oppressed castes to fight the landlords. When it grew in notoriety in 1980s, the chief victims were the caste villains — Bhumihar, Rajputs and their henchmen, politicians and policemen. The upper-castes organised private armies, like the Ranvir Sena. Even SM believes that MCC has a better understanding of caste. “They try to recruit leaders from every caste.”

Constant revolutionary

After he left the PWG, SM experimented with various philosophies to annihilate caste. He started a Marxist-Leninist Centre with U Sambasiva Rao. The two believe the Indian democratic revolution cannot succeed unless Marx and Ambedkar come together. They believe the answer lies in a group formed of castes who form the working class. Karthik Navayan, a lawyer and Dalit activist, gives an example.

“Shankar Rao, an MLA and a crorepati, went to inaugurate a temple. After he left, the upper castes washed the place with cow urine. They were poorer than him.” A revolution would need to liberate a person both socially and economically. Therefore, a rich Dalit would still be considered as a cadre for a Marxist-Ambedkarite party.

For a while, SM associated with the Bahujan Samaj Party. But his revolutionary politics was not welcome. So SM launched the Bahujan Republican Party (BRP) in 1996.

“The political stand was to bring together SC/STs, bahujan and other minorities and fight elections. They had a militant and some semi-legal wings,” says Ashok, the Dalit activist. “There was always the fear of attacks from landlords and other upper-caste leaders once you are politically active. So people need to protect themselves.”

It was a peculiar situation. In order to participate peacefully in the democratic process that the Constitution guarantees them, they needed a militant wing. This is a formula that keeps repeating itself in Dalit revolutionary parties.

The BRP, which lasted till 2006-2007, did not win any seats. “I don’t know why, but no Dalit party ever makes it on its own,” says Ashok.

SM was also closely associated with Veeranna, who left the CPI (ML) Janashakti to train Dalits and other oppressed castes as leaders. But none of his experiments led to a successful integration of caste and class identities.

Radicals who left

Many of the lower castes abandoned revolutionary politics, believing it to be indifferent to caste. Ashok, for instance, is now working with a non-governmental organistion. His immediate reason for leaving Janashakti was the expulsion of SM. He believes SM was driven out because he discussed caste.

His own brother Anil (name changed) was squad member for 10 years, but left because he believed the lower castes were treated badly. He felt the leadership would always remain with the upper castes, who would be safe in the cities while the fighting and dying was done by the other castes.

As for Ashok, he does not discount the party’s contribution to the Dalit cause. “They helped more than anyone else,” he says. “But I left because of the routine argument — Dalits are not allowed into certain ranks.”

The party’s answer

Varavara Rao dismisses these contentions. “When KS was arrested in 1977, SM was asked to take charge of the party. From 1982 to ’84, SM was secretary of the CPI-ML central committee, so how can one promoted to such a senior level accuse the party of caste discrimination? It was his personal failure to guide the party that resulted in his expulsion.

“SM was a good Bhavuka (rough translation, philosopher). But when people went to him with real problems he would quote poetry and say things like ‘no matter how many big trees fall, the wind will never stop’. The truth is, SM failed when he was asked to lead.”

According to the Virasam leader, SM had given up his political programme as a revolutionary in 1990. “When he came out in the open, SM said the PWG has no political programme and that it is only an economic struggle.”

People from our caste are generally less so. Over the centuries, they have been conditioned to obey, so they are quickly consigned as cadre, not commanders

—Comrade SM

Then, SM committed the cardinal sin, by asserting an identity based on caste and religion. “He started saying he is first a Dalit, then a Christian and then a Marxist,” says Varvara Rao. “How can that be? You are born into a caste and religion, but by consciousness you become a revolutionary. When you are a Marxist, you have already given up caste or religion, which was never your choice.

“I am not saying there is no caste in the party,” says Rao. “The party recognised that the essential problems in revolutionary movement in India are two — parliamentary politics and caste.”

In fact, during the Mandal agitation, he says, the party decided that if there was an opening within the party for a leader and the contenders were a Dalit, woman and an upper-caste, preference would be given to Dalits and women.”

If all the contenders were equally articulate, with raised revolutionary consciousness, the criterion wouild be identity-based preference.

Rao says the problem of caste-based leadership is raised only by educated Dalits. “You don’t find this in the villages where the struggle is being waged.”

He believes that Dalit organisations fail on two counts — not addressing the land issue and fighting within the constitutional framework.

“Can you show me any Dalit organisation fighting for land issue?”

Dr Anand Teltumbde, a prominent Dalit intellectual, agrees. But he says it is only a surface reality. “Caste is the foundation with infinite cracks and hence movements based on it are destined to fail.” He believes levels of oppression should be the binding factor, not caste.

Rao cites the Bahujan Samaj Party to show electoral victory is not the answer. “What good did it do for the Dalits of UP? Real political power will come by capturing the state, and that is the limitation of all caste parties. They have to start with the land question. If you approach only through the vote, you merely change the address and not the system. Overthrowing the state should be through occupation of land.”

“In villages, ownership of land can change the production relations. Once that is changed, as in Jagityal (Andhra Pradesh), non-brahminical, non-upper caste hegemony will come.

“We don’t underestimate the grievance of any identity movement, but the way they have chosen will not work. We need to unite all identities in a class struggle,” says the poet.

“The party encourages inter-dining and inter-marriage, but bourgeois ideas, built over thousands of years cannot be removed easily. Marxism is young. It is only 150 years and it never had enough time to rule because the regime always collapsed before cultural transformation took place.”

As an idea of class-based struggle that could change caste equations, he cites an idea he mooted to PALA, a cultural organisation for radical left politics. “I told them every organisation takes people into the temple, so you organise a parallel movement, a people’s movement in which you occoupy land belonging to religious organisations. In Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, the biggest landlords are religious mutts. The Naxal party did that in Rayalseema where people occupied devarmanya or inam lands.”

Mao made leaders of the people who had to be liberated. The upper castes do not need a revolution, the lower castes do, so they should lead. If madigas are the commanders they will decide whether they should fight or not. If the upper castes decide without consulting them you lose your followers in time

Dalit militants

But Batulla Sidheswar, state secretary of the Communist Party of United States of India (Madiga Mahajana Kramika Vimukti Sanga), believes participating in elections can raise the revolutionary temper among Dalits.

“In the 70s, there were two factions of the CPI-ML, one of Chandrapulla Reddy and the other KS. While the first believed in elections, the second only trusted armed struggle. But neither gave importance to caste.”

Sideshwar says, “Without addressing caste, why should Dalits join the revolutionary movement? How is it different from other upper-caste parties?”

The answer, to him, is in Marxism. “Karmiki karana kavali,” he says in Telugu. “The capitalist must become a worker. It is called declassification. In India we have caste, so we need to need to ‘decasteify’ also. Even Kanshi Ram said that. Become a chamar. Don’t look at society from the Brahmin’s perspective but through the madiga’s (untouchable’s) eyes who gives respect to the other.

He does not think caste is consciously practised in the Naxal parties. “An upper-caste man takes classes because he is comfortable with the terms. Then a lower-caste commander wonders how he can contribute because he cannot do that. He remembers his skill as a barber or a washerman, and thinks he can contribute with that. But the party must have upper-caste people who say ‘I will wash the vessels or clothes and you take classes’. This is possible only if they incorporate caste into the politics.”

Sideshwar cites the example of the Chinese revolution. “Mao made leaders of the people the people who had to be liberated. The upper castes do not need a revolution, the lower castes do, so they should lead. If madigas are the commanders they will decide whether they should fight or not. If the upper castes decide without consulting them you lose your followers in time.”

Then, too, today’s youngsters have so many opportunities that they are not impressed with calls for armed struggle, says Sideswar. So his party believes in integrating elections and militant methods. “We had squads, about 12 of them from 1995 to 2005. Even I received training. But after Veeranna was ‘encountered’, all of them were either killed or they surrendered.

“Revolution only comes through armed struggle. But if you call us to vote we will go. If at the polling booth we are not allowed to vote we will choose armed struggle.”

They field candidates in elections to give people a choice. “If your enemy is in the dirt, you will have to get into it and fight him. You can’t afford to be repelled by it.”

He says that once people are politicised and are willing to vote for revolutionaries, the upper caste, upper class state will not stay silent. They will not let the people vote and upset the power structure. Then there will be armed struggle, which will lead to the final overturning of the state.

The people must also be powerful enough to wage an armed revolution. “Kanshi Ram said that a vote is light and a weapon, heavy. How can you ask people who can’t drop a vote to wield a weapon? If you lose votes, you only lose an election. If you lose an armed struggle, you lose lives. It cannot be taken lightly.”

Teltumbde, who leans towards class struggle, sounds impressed by Sidheshwar’s politics. “I do not disagree with the proposition that parliamentary politics is not to be completely discarded.” But he does not agree that revolutionary parties should themselves participate in parliamentary politics. “What I would want is that they have sufficient mass base which would impinge on the parliamentary politics and project revolutionary viewpoint to the larger masses.”

Teltumbde blames this “unfortunate duality” of caste and class on the early communists, who tried to fit in the social reality of India into moulds borrowed from Europe. “If they had not internalised the meaning of social classes as the objective reality, they would not have excluded caste as something belonging to a different universe.

Take for instance Lenin’s definition of class: ‘Classes are large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated by law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organisation of labour, and, consequently, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and their mode of acquiring it’. (Vladimir I. Lenin: ‘A Great Beginning: Heroism of the Workers in the Rear: ‘Communist Subbotniks’ in Collected Works, Volume 29; Moscow; 1965; p. 421).

“Even if this definition had been followed by Indian communists, caste would have been incorporated within the class analysis and the duality would not have been born. But instead of that they followed the kind of classes conceived by Lenin in Russian society. This error has done incalculable harm to the revolutionary project in this country. Therefore, it is vital for us to comprehend this historical error with utmost honesty.”

However, he does not see organising around caste as the answer. “The caste movements can never, repeat never, lead to the emancipation of oppressed people, neither from their caste nor from non-caste oppression.” Teltumbde’s answer is to base it on oppression.

“Orient the Dalit movement towards class, shunning the sectarian caste idiom and join hands with similarly placed people of the other castes; wake up to their crises of living and take up issues stemming from them for their struggle and dampen the identitarian projection.”

As for the left, he has some simple words of advice. They should “see that without annihilation of caste they can never realise the project of revolution. If the Left, armed with requisite conviction (and not mere projections for electoral calculations or swelling their cadre to appeal to Dalits) join the hands of Dalits at this point to avenge casteist crimes, they would slowly gain confidence of Dalits.”

In other words, he too is talking about an internal change of attitude, something that precipitated Comrade SM’s exit, without quite admitting as much.

While Veerana gave rise to a radical alternative to mainstream revolutionary parties, even his idea could not survive the divisive power of caste. Its power in moulding and mutating the most extreme revolutionary movements cannot be denied.

Ravana’s Dussehra

What does the old revolutionary say? Cultural revolution is central to solving the caste-class contradictions. He believes that cultural transformation must lead the revolution.

This is where he is at odds with people like Varvara Rao who believes: “Politics should lead and cultural revolution must be carried out along with it.” That is, the capture of a state must come first and whether a Dalit achieves that goal or not is only secondary.

The Marxists believe that by changing the production relations, caste can be eliminated. Sideswar does not agree. “It’s not only about economics. We need to understand the beginning and the history of things.”

Caste divisions, according to him, “destroyed the inherent unity (of society) and so now, the state run by the upper-castes is clueless about its citizens.” Veeranna’s party cadre would subvert festivals to relook at history. For example, while Dussehra is usually celebrated as the death of Ravana, party members would commemorate the death anniversary of an indigenous king.

SM has never stopped criticising the Naxal leaders for failing the oppressed castes. In May 2005, he blasted Varavara Rao for sending letters against Kalyan Rao and balladeer Gadar to the naxal leaders. If that letter had not been sent the merger of PWG and Maoist Central Committee, would have seen the the two occupying top positions in the new party and discrimination against Dalits would have been exposed.

There is a question SM asks repeatedly, unknowingly, during the interview. “Why did the party expel me?” Sometimes Sridevi wonders how he did not make it, like the other leaders.

She told him, once, in exasperation, “You have failed. ’He merely said no’.”

He can still hear the distant roll of ‘spring thunder’ though it’s been a long time since it first sounded. “The revolution will come,” he says, listening intently to the evening news.

Annan Pasupathi Pandiayan’s aide was bruttaly murdered

Murugan (32) an auto driver and a staunch supporter of Pasupathi Pandian was

murdered early in the morning of 13th January 2012. There were several marks of cut found on his body, and his head was chopped off. His auto stand was near Nagal Theater. Yesterday night he went to the auto stand and did not return home. Today morning they found his body near a railway gate which is 4 KM far away from Dindugal, Balakrishanapuram.
The police received information at 2 in the morning and the body was taken for postmortem.
The police say at 12.30 P.M two youngsters went to the stand and rented Murugan’s auto. When the auto reached balakrishnapuram, thepeople involved, who were hiding knives, started attacking him. Being shocked, Murugan got out of the auto and ran carrying bruises in his body. The two chased murugan and chopped his head off. There are 20 cuts and stabs found on murugan’s body. Murugan was a staunch supporter of Pasupathi Pandian. For the funeral of Pasupathi Pandian, Murugan went in his auto from Dindugal to Thoothugudi travelling 204 kilometers.
When Pasupathi Pandian was murdered, his body was taken to the hospital at 9.00 p.m. At that time, including Murugan, many people were protesting to arrest those who murdered Pasupathi Pandian. During that protest, infuriated Murugan said ‘we will avenge for Pasupathi Pandian’s killing. This served as the background for his murder. Police are investigating in to the crime.

some more information from the ground:
Murugan belongs to washerman community, since his childhood he has been with annan Pasupathi Pandian, he is closest aide to Annan Pasupathi Pandian.

Annan Pasupathi Pandian's wife was murdered and the case is coming to trial very soon, and annan Pasupathi Pandian is the first eyewitness in that case. It is the fact that Pannaiyar group could have been put behind the bars for the murder of his wife. After Annan's murder, i suppose the killers of both Annan and his wife will be going to be acquitted.


The government had provided security for Annan Pasupathi Pandian, but during the AIADMK regime the state government withdrew the security. And also during the AIADMK rule, there were several raids in his house, which also forced Annan Pasupathi Pandian to avoid his personal security.


Sources: http://www.amanushyam.com/

"I am not a slave and dont make me a slave" Annan Pasupathi Pandiayan: A dedication

This post would try to bring most of news on Dalit revolutionary leader Pasupathi

Pandian. Since only bits and pieces are available on him, I tried to gather the information from the internet and talking to Arunthathiyars and making a post. Many of the news media say he is a reputed Dalit leader, however, few Dalit leader reject that claim and say he is just a rowdy. Henceforth it is a small attempt from my side to throw some light on Mr. Pasupathi Pandian’s life from an Arunthathiyar perspective.
Every individual has a history which is influenced mostly by the society surrounding him/her. Therefore it is very important to construct or look a person’s history where he lived, saw, experienced.
This article will focus on southern districts of Tamil Nadu. In southern Districts there are various dominant community, Nadar, Naidu, Thevar, Nayakkars, etc. Nadars are predominant in the southern districts of Tuticorin, Kaniyakumari, Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar districts.
However, the history of the Nadar community in short they were backward community. Few business man within the community, and it is during the Kamarajar rule that the Nadars gained economically more powerful. Special schools for Nadars, banks were started. In due course they went to the height in the economic power.
It is also true that Kamarajar was great in many aspects, those could be googled. The very important contribution or his love for his community can be seen while he was Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu the state reorganization was formed, he did not oppose for merging Iddukki district with Kerala because he was happy with Kanniyakumari merging with Tamil Nadu. To understand this we should look little closer into the difference between two districts. Iddukki had the indigenous inhabitants belonged to the tribes - Muthuvans, Hill Pulayas, Mannans, Uralys, Malai Arayans, Ulladans, Palliyans, Malavedans and Mala Pandarams – all of whom were Tamils. In Kanyakumari there were Nadars.
Therefore the majority of the Tamil speaking population in Idukki region was given to Kerala, and majority of Malayalam speaking population, Kanyakumari was taken to Tamil Nadu because of few Nadar community. The Chief Minister Mr. Kamaraj had a role in it.
Kamaraj's was a Chief Minister between 1954 - 1963: At present the Nadars constitutes 12 per cent of the State’s population. Beyond the fireworks industry at Sivakasi, they has the influential Tamil media house - Thanthi - in its fold. The company is run by Sivanthi Adityan, whose brother Ramachandra Adityan floated Malai Murasu. There is also Dinakaran, founded by the late K P Kandaswamy, who was known for switching allegiance between AIADMK-founder MG Ramachandran and Karunanidhi.

The success of Nadars in business played a pivotal role in the rise of the community. Nadar grocery stores can be found today in almost every corner of Tamil Nadu. The success is mainly due to their frugality and determination, and many have risen from poverty. It is difficult to determine the wealth of a Nadar merchant for a very wealthy Nadar may sit simply in his tiny shop.


With growing supermecy over their community, their egos, pride grew to an height that made them to discriminate Dalits in that region, majority of the dalit population are Pallars. The Pallars have few lands, and also some of them work in abroad. Hence, the pallars in large do not depend on any upper caste for their daily food. They struggle for equality began. The Nadars would harass/rape dalit women, and kill dalits who oppose their domination. It was a rowdey rajayam.
Atrocities on Dalits in those region:
frontline on Graveyard,
Frontline: about a novel anyhow
Eppadium (Anyhow) is his most recent work. The novel deals with the unpleasant situation prevailing in Vembar, a coastal village in Tuticorin district, where Christian populations belonging to Nadar, Paravar and Dalit castes run their own schools and administer separate parishes. Without hypocrisy, the author takes the bull by the horns. He narrates the insults heaped on Dalit Christians in the village through the denial of any role in the parish administration.He recalled the attacks on Dalits at Nalumoolaikinaru and Kodiyankulam in Tuticorin district,…
The police rampage on the all-Dalit village of Kodiyankulam on August 31, 1995 (Frontline, October 20, 1995) when caste-related violence was rocking the southern districts in the mid-1990s was the worst. The word Kodiyankulam, has since then virtually become a synonym for state terrorism, particularly against Dalits, in this part of the country.
In Tamil Nadu’s southern districts, prisoners are segregated on the basis of castes
Caste In Prison Stone


in the political biography of Tamil Nadu, conflict between Dalits and other backward castes (OBCs) is a chapter that is still being written. Not only is untouchability still widespread across the state’s southern districts like Ramanathapuram, Thoothukkudi, Thirunelveli, Madurai and Dharmapuri, there have been frequent clashes since the early 1990s between Dalits and Thevars, an OBC community with significant presence in the region.
Maran says he was beaten up for no reason by members of the jail staff who were Thevars. The food served in his Dalit block was scarcely edible and hardly enough to quell his hunger. His access to books and newspapers was restricted. His visiting time for friends and relatives who came calling was curtailed. He had to work, but was not paid. And he was deprived of medical attention. “Prison life does not offer anything to reduce the sense of [inflicted] violence,” he says, “It only flares it up.”
There are 1,600 prisoners in Palayamkottai Central Jail, and the segregation in this facility is very efficient. “Thevar, Nadar and Dalit prisoners are put in different blocks,” says Selvaraj, a constable who has been working there for a decade. “In this jail, [caste segregation] is inevitable. How can we mix up people from different castes? It is impossible. We cannot manage the violence [that will occur] if we do so.”
What happens in jail, however, only mirrors what happens outside during caste conflicts, according to Rajiv Rufus, a lawyer practising at the Madurai bench. “This is a strategy used by the government whenever caste violence erupts in these parts of Tamil Nadu,” he alleges, “Thevar cops are deployed in localities where Dalits live in, and vice-versa. This only escalates the violence.”
This lies the background where Pasupathi Pandian grew up. In 1980s, 1990s, there use to be only killings with sickles and police will not interfere. Tuticorin has a shipping harbor, and a very important place.
Times of India: writes C Pasupathi Pandian gained notoriety even as a 11th standard school-going boy when a case of murder was registered against him in Tuticorin.
A native of Alangara Thattu village in Tuticorin, Pandian subsequently quit his studies. Since then, the path he travelled was marred by violent incidents where he dabbled between the roles of a person fighting against dalit atrocities.
The Nadars and the Upper caste in Tuitcorin got sacred of him. Nadars as I said before had political, economical everything. But Pasupathi Pandian had a fire of courage to stop anyone who discriminates dalits. It is also to be noted there were Naxal movements in tamilnadu. The culture of using country bomb, knife, guns were circulated for all community. The same weapon used by the Upper caste Nadar, was used against them. Few incidents I write. Not only upper caste in that region were scared of Pasupathi Pandian, even in most of the southern districts. The upper caste were scared because Pasupathi Pandian will interfere.

An Arunthathiyar from Nellai says:
In 1980’s Mr. Pasupathi Pandian came to TN colony in Tirunelveli, met Arunthathiyar and presented 50 knifes and told, leave your traditional occupation Scavenging and attack anyone who discriminates or harasses you and it is my responsibility to take care of you.
An Arunthathiyar Leader based in Maduari says, Naagai Thiruvaluvan:
In 1990’s in Paramagudi, an Arunthathiyar girl was beaten by pallars, there was a tensed situation between arunthathiyars and Pallars. Pasupathi Pandian is also from a Pallar community, he went to the spot and abused the Pallars and told to treat arunthathiyars equally.
Another Arunthathiyar Leader says:
While Arunthathiyars were fighting for inner-reservation which was not supported by any single non-arunthathiyar leaders. But Pasupathi Pandian as an exception who had power came to the stage and spoke about the importance of Inner –reservation for arunthathiyars.
Another Arunthathiyar leader, Dilipen:
There are sub-caste politics in Tamil Nadu as any other Indian state has. But in Tamil Nadu Pasupathi Pandian was considering all sub-caste as dalits and spoke in one voice. Not a single leader from Pallars will ever do the same even in future.

He had at least eight murder cases pending against him, besides several other cases of attempted murder, assault, possession of weapons. Among the murder cases, the most notable is the murder of rival Venkatesa Pannaiyar's grandfather in the early 1990s. The Venketesha Panniyar(Interestingly, Pannyar (who is better known as a local don) is reported to have helped AIADMK win the crucial Sattankulam by-elections, which came close on the heels of Jayalalithaa’s Anti-Conversion Bill. Sattankulam has a sizable Christian Nadar population. It is believed that Pannyar, subsequently, became a thorn for the party as he got embroiled in various scams and had to be "removed".)

group, which is a Nadar community became a strong rival for the Pasupathi Pandian. Actually in 1990s there were fights between the Pullaveli village people and the Mulakarai Pannaiyar Sivasubramaiya Nadaar. The village was fighting for water. In this fight Pasupathi Pandian was supporting the village people. The fight went to an extent to to murder the son of Sivasubramaniya Nadaar in 24-1-93. Sivasubramaniya Nadaar’s son was Asupathi Pannaiyar. Asupathi Pannaiyar was Venketasa panaiyar’s fathers younger brother. As a revenge in 21-4-1993 there was an attempt to kill Pasupathi Pandian. In this attempt Pasupathi Pandian escaped by his friend Ponn Esaki was murdered. On 8-7-93 Pasupathi Pandian group kills Sivasubramania Naadar. Since then there were several attempts to kill Pasupathi Pandian by the Nadaar groups. Venkatesh Pannaiyar was shot dead in a police encounter in Chennai on September 26, 2003. However Venkatesh Panniayar’s gang was growing.
1n 2000 Tamil Nadu saw a range of Dalit movements. Particularly Dr. Krishnasamy, Mr. Thirumavalavan, were mobilizing dalits across Tamil Nadu. So many atrocities and killing happened even happens now in Southern districts. The Pallars, Arunthathiyars, Pariyars in Southern Districts were getting mobilized in a democratic platform. It is to remember that the background of their assertion has a greater link to Mr. Pasupathi Pandian’s courageous fight against the dominant community. The newly formed democratic platform was gaining importance, and Pasupathi Pandian started reducing his violent struggle against the dominant community. But the Panniayar group mobilized and regrouping.
Venkatesh Pannaiyar was shot dead in a police encounter in Chennai on September 26, 2003, a core group, including Dhanasingam, fled to Mumbai and remained under ground.
Dhanasingam, a henchman of the group, was involved in several offences. In 1992-93, he was lodged in the Tihar jail, Delhi, where he developed links with criminals. In recent years, he emerged a successful arms supplier to criminals.
Police sources said P. Dhanasingam alias Seenivasan of Eral, was a top gunrunner and had links with clandestine weapon dealers. During preliminary interrogation, he confessed to having purchased twenty 9-mm (semi-automatic self-loading) pistols, two 7.62-mm pistols and one stengun from Hemanth Singh of Jamalpur in Bihar late last year. (The Chennai police arrested Hemanth Singh in Bihar soon after the death of Venkatesh Pannaiyar last year).
Therefore it is very important to understand the difference between the Pannaiyar(nadir) communities using violence and Pasupathi Pandian using violence. Pasupathi Pandian used violence began as a retaliation against the Nadar Pannaiyars for equality. Panniyaar’s violence was for their domination, with economic, political power they grew with arm dealers etc. But Pasupathi pandian, left violence after the democratic set up fight for Dalits began. Therefore the fight of Pasupathi Pandian is very different compared to Pannaiyar. Even the recent example if we have to look dalit movement in Tamil Nadu. It is only sourthern dalits who are more assertive. Even the Arunthathiyar, a scavenging/leather working community is more assertive in Tuticorine than anyother place in Tamil Nadu. This credit goes to Pasupathi Pandian. The sadest part is even dalit movement do not see a relation of Pasupathi pandian struggle with the Naxal movement. Only thing Pasupathi Pandian did not have a red color flag, or some fluent speaking English person to write what he was doing, therefore even many dalits get diverted in judging him. And also the educated Dalits kept away from him and was comfortable with the Thirumavalavan, Krishnasamy party politics. I have to say that once the Dalits got asserted they kept away from Pasupathi Pandian. Which was a draw back for him, because there were no selfish Dalits, who speak rubbish on stage and do the exact opposite behind the screen. Pasupathi Pandian was rational, and never cared about him.
As the number of his rivals rose, the number of his close associates were eliminated in bloody fights one after the other. Peer Mohamed, Karnan and Damodaran were brutally murdered in Tuticorin though Pandian gave death a miss every time.
His first political stint began with joining the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK). He remained with the party only for a short period and quit PMK to start Devendran Kula Ilaignar Peravai, a dalit youth forum. It was around that time that, he married Jacintha, an advocate from Dindigul who remained a source of support for her husband till she was brutally murdered in 2006.
On April 7, a gang intercepted the car in which she and her husband were travelling at Eppothumvenran village in Tuticorin. A gang of about 20 persons got down from it and hurled bombs at Pandian's car and when they did not explode properly, the gang shot dead Jacintha, who was trapped in the car. Pandian however escaped unhurt and managed to flee the spot in another car, in which his associates were following.
In fact, Pandian had managed to have a narrow escape four times. Once, he was hacked indiscriminately by his rivals at a market in Tuticorin who assumed that he was dead and left the spot. In another incident at Vallanadu in Tirunelveli, he managed to escape a gun-firing.
As the group rivalry lead to a series of murders, the then Tuticorin SP Jangid had warned Pandian to leave Tuticorin. After residing briefly in Tirunelveli, he moved away to Dindigul where he was staying in various places to avoid his enemies.
As the threat to his life rose, he maintained a low profile and was not even active among his community circle. Of late, he was making demands to remove 'pallars' from the list of scheduled caste and instead include them in most backward class. He was also opposing the terming of pallars, as adi dravidars.
In 21st century if there was a Dalit leader who worked selflessly for all the Dalit community, loseing everything, his family, friends, etc. It is only Pasupathi Pandian.

Political background:
After AIADMK came to power, in Paramagudi Pallars who were assertive were killed by the Thevar in power. It is to be noted that AIADMK, whenever comes to power the Thevars in Southern district commit too many atrocities on dalits. Paramagudi killing was clear for majority of the Dalits that it is the AIADMK who killed Dalits in pamagudi. This would surely backfire the vote bank politics of AIADMK in future. Also AIADMK cannot rely on Pallars/or other dalit community in election.
Therefore to increase the AIADMK vote bank it is only through making sure other community votes for AIADMK. The Nadars who constitute 12% of the vote bank politics supports DMK. The reason, AIADMK killed Venketasa pannaiyar in 2003. Immediately after his killing DMK offered a seat to Panniyar’s wife and she won the election. Since Dalits are not going to vote for AIADMK, it is important for AIADMK to look for other community for votes, and it is only the Nadar’s can help. To woo them, AIADMK could have made an agreement to make sure Pasupathi Pandian, a strong rival to NAdar community is eliminated. Recently the government killed dalits in Paramagudi and had a national attention, therefore the state government cannot take another risk of making police kill Pasupathi Pandian. It is possible the state would have said anyone can kill Pasupathi Pandian, and the state will not interfere.
The recent for such a doubt, since it is a planned attack, the special branch must had news of it. And also he was not dead on spot, on the way to hospital he died, and no one know what he spoke.

To read more about Nadar communities hegemony in those region please read the following:

A Nadar writes in yahoo: But at the ugly end, the politicians like J.Jayalalithaa, M.Karunanidhi, and the whole of Murosoli marans family does not like the Nadar caste. The Scheduled Caste (SC) people are trying to catch up with nadars, and the higher caste people like brahmins want to dump nadars, as they consider nadars as a threat to their development. Situation is such so, the SC people are trying a crooked, and wicked procedure to crush the Nadars. The ugly route they took was so unethical to the tamil culture. The SC people train their sons to create a friendly relationship with innocent nadar girls, and finally seduce them for sex. This way they try to steal half of the wealth of Nadars.

In Tamilnadu, We have a culture, If some girl had sex with a boy before marriage, then the girl has to marry that boy. Its so unethical. So the nadar parents have no other way than to accept the boy. Atlast a nadar boy goes without a girl for marriage.

For this, the SC people is strongly supported by Goondas (anti-social elements). One of the Goonda name is C. Pasupathy pandian. Wherever nadar parents having a fully grown daughter. He kidnaps and makes feast of that girl to the SC boys. He has committed muders through this.

Pasupathy pandian resides in Dindugal. He is a notorious gangster. He conducts katta-panchayat in the southern parts of tamilnadu. The government, which has bad politicians support him for the money that has been given to them as bribe. They never care for nadars. Who is going to help nadars? Who is going to kill pasupathy pandian? the government or the people.
In viral blogspot another Nadar writes
Eeswara Pandian NADAR said...
devendragula vellar community is one of the underfoot caste in tirunelveli and toothukudi areas. If nadars feel bored, they'll go to devendran areas and beat them. In thoothukudi the men who belongs to devendran community wore saree only untill 1980.. If they do any mistakes,they have to lick the nattamai's (those belongs to nadar community) feet... But pasupathi pandian tried to rectify them. So
the living GOD of NADAR community ROCKET RAJA killed pasupathi's wife. Unfortunately pasupathi pandian(the real kozhai) ran away... Aarilum saavu Noorilum saavu NADARai ethirthavan antre saavu

Megam karutha mazhai
NADARai ethirtha
kolai
Evaraium adacki aalum veerarinam.....
Ani thirandu vandhalum Asaratha NADARinam....
Vaazhga Sathriya NADAR Gulam....
Valarga NADAR gula Ottrumai....
In English below

(we are courageous to subjugate anyone
Nadar community will not shake even if many people come
long live Nadar community
glorious to the Nadar communities for being one)

Anonymous said...
lei eddie.pallan payala.un jathi peyara paru pallan.
thoo!.neenga ellam jamin.vekkama illa.neenga ellam dalit makkal la.
keel jathi punda makka.
unga mella evanum kaya vaika mattan.karanam un mella kaya vacha nadar kulathukee kevalam.
nee entha thairiyathula la comment panra.pallan punda movana.
ithuku munnadi comment devar aa pathi pannunathum naan thaan.en jathi pera paru la NADAR.
pera sollum pothey oru thoranai.
by barani NADAR

English translation of the above:
ei, Pallan boy, look your communities name, it is pallan
spitting, don’t you have shame to call yourself as Jamin (who were not considered as untouchables), you all are dalits
untouchable bastards
no body will even touch you. Reason you are an untouchable, if Nadar community touches you, it is shame to Nadar community
what courage you have to comment, pallan bastard
before this I was the one who commented on Devars. Look at my caste name NADAR
When I utter Nadar, see my pride)

Anonymous said...
nadarinam pesama ponal intha keel jathi karan ellam athigama pesuran.

(if Nadars don’t speak, these untouchables will speaks more)

by SN.barani Nadar.
The comment goes on and on……
The above comment would show how much caste tension prevails in southern districts. especially between the Devendars and Nadars, and also throws light on how the dominant community considers its hegemony.

some more news about Annan Pasupathi Pandiyan:

CNNIBN
The Hindu
Asiantribune:

Pasupathi Pandiayan's wife killed

Annan Pasupathi pandian speech

Is it a Game of Scare mongering: (Kerala ‘Vs’ Tamilnadu: Mullaperiyar Vs MullaiPeriyar

This issue has opened a Pandora of discussion between Malayalis, Tamils and Non-Malayali/Tamils. The issue erupted once again about the ‘safety’ of the dam after the movie Dam 999 . During the controversy one fine late night I received a message from my so-called ‘dalit’ friend(happened to be a Malayali), the message says “Save Kerala” and support the Kerala government to construct a new Dam. It just surprised me because where was this person when tribals were ruthlessly attacked in Chengara. Or when violence involving Chithralekha, a Dalit woman auto driver, on January 20, 2010. I also want to say that it is these friends who always stood with me, in my difficult times. I do have my sincere support to them. Since I am from Tamil Nadu, I do not know that whether I am having a biased feeling over his message. Therefore I need to explore in this writing about my present stand on the issue. Though I had so many discussion between him, but still both of us could not understand each other. I think I was correct, and he justifies he is correct. And also there are so many writings circulating in Print / visual media on the same issue. The press in Tamil Nadu says the Dam is safe, and also it is as new as it is built. (Even if they think it is safe but it is not right to say that it is as new as it is built, seems over exaggeration). Majority of the discussion has been on safety of the Dam. The Kerala government suddenly comes out and says that safety of the Malayalis and others living in that region. It is the same government which ruthlessly attacks Dalits and Triblas. The Tamil Nadu government behaves as a state behaves towards their citizens, which is to say no state is concerned of the rights of their citizens rather busy in building their own clout and economy.
The Malayalis made a documentary on the issue check the link
The 21.27 minutes documentary in English speaks more about the history of Dam, its disaster if it breaks, and also analysis the safety of the MullaPeriyar. For just a few seconds the documentary touches about the Dam agreement.
Tamilians made a documentary on the same issue : This documentary speaks only about the MullaiPeriyar dam, it concentrates and puts the argument of Kerala government and answers one by one. In large this documentary it also pays some attention about the dam agreement 999, and also exposes how much Tamil Nadu is benefiting with this water.
Firstly if we have to look the two documentaries the names are different, in Kerala they call it as Mullaperiyar, in Tamil Nadu it is Mullaiperiyar. Also the issues addressed are different, one speaks about the history of dam disastrous in cotext to Periyar dam. The other documentary did not ever address the issue of dam disastrous, but it was saying the dam is safe, and more importantly spoke about the dam agreement in detail.
It is the same with political parties from both a side: check the link of a video discussion in CNNIBN, CNN IBN,
The so-called neutral people wrote in Hindu, EPW : However there are very few sensible article written on the issue, which addresses the reality, , well written article.
Kerala's Advocate-General had gone on record before the Division Bench of the Kerala High Court that in case of any eventuality, the Idukki reservoir and the Kulamavu and Cheruthoni dams would receive the waters from the Mullaperiyar dam, Abbas pointed out.


In a recent issue of the Economic and Political Weekly, Experts For Forum for Policy Dialogue on Water Conflicts in India [1] have made some important suggestions/recommendations to resolve the deadlock that include:
• Reconfirming Kerala’s commitment to provide the present amount of water to Tamil Nadu
• Redefinition of the role of the Mullaperiyar dam as a diversion dam rather than a storage dam and creation of necessary the storage capacity needed for Tamil Nadu inside the state with adequate assistance from the centre
• Undertaking studies on:
o The storage capacity needed for Tamil Nadu
o Redesigning of the diversion and conveyance system and minimising storage in the dam as close as possible to the minimum regulatory storage required on the basis of this redesign
o Measures to strengthen the dam at the new level
o Undertake hydrological studies on flow at the dam site and a schedule for the regulatory storage
o To work out arrangements in the transition phase
• Establish a tripartite board consisting of representatives of the Government of Kerala, Government of Tamil Nadu and the Union government to oversees the preparation of a reservoir operation plan and monitor and modify it throughout the year [1].

1. Amita Baviskar, Bharat Patankar, Biksham Gujja, Chandan Mahanta, Dulal Chandra Goswami, Eklavya Prasad, Jayanta Bandopadhyaya, K J Joy, Medha Patkar, Partha Das, Philippe Cullet, Pranab Choudhury, M K Prasad, Rohini Nilekani, Shripad Dharmadhikary, Shruti Vispute, Sunita Nadhamuni, Vinod Gaud, Y K Alagh, A Vaidyanathan and B N Yugandhar (2011) Letters: A Plan for Resolving Mullaperiyar Conflict, The Economic and Political Weekly, Vol XLVI (51)
Hence, there are few sensible people on both the sides to look into the issue however as usual they do not get public attention. The Centre Water commission recently said the dam is safe. The report was submitted to the EC's head, the former Chief Justice of India, A.S. Anand. The other members on the Committee are retired Supreme Court Judges K.T. Thomas (representing Kerala) and A.R. Lakshmanan (representing Tamil Nadu).
Save Kerala water to Tamil Nadu:
I find this the only way the state government of Kerala can convince the masses. The reason, if they talk about the safety of Kerala then the highest priority is the safety of Kerala, but they speak about the agreement more ( in most discussion you can find that even so called Malayalis may not agree with the agreement, they too will address this issue), and it this agreement they are interested than the safety of Kerala people. (However, this so-called Malayalis are my good friends in Campus, that also four friends of mine)Or let them say save Kerala and change the agreement to the new dam if it is constructed. That would seem more fair if the Kerala government and my friends say the same. Also if they say that they will give water to Tamil Nadu, then what interest they have to built a new dam at the cost of their money. Why cant the Kerala government ask the Tamil Nadu government to built a new dam and have the same rights. Are they ready to do that, I suspect whether they would agree. Why cannot the Kerala government and those who support the state government’s argument talk about this. Basically, they wanted to remove the agreement. If a new dam is built then the Mullaiperiyar Dam agreement of 999 will not apply to the new dam, because it would be under the control of Kerala government. In the Documentary done by malayalis, one of the living person in Idukki, who is a tamilian says. "let them take water and built a new dam", Which i think the only concern of the person was safety.

It can also be told that the present dam is only partially controlled by the Tamil Nadu Government. If we say the dam is under the control of Tamil Nadu, then Tamil Nadu could have increased the level of water in the Dam, after the supreme Court judgement in 1990's. There was a protest in Kerala as a result the Tamil Nadu government did not increase.
It is the same government in 1990’s opposed supreme court judgment and passed an assembly resolution saying no one can interfere with the issue on Dams which are in Kerala. Therefore how do we believe that Kerala will stand on its word. Why cant in some years later an assembly passes another resolution that the water is for Kerala.
Tamil Nadu: Dam is Safe
The Tamil Nadu government and the people on media say the dam is safe. I do agree that the dam is safe. But no one has the rights to force someone to believe what others should believe. Therefore if the Kerala government says the dam is unsafe, even it is false, but people are subjected to a threat, which the news media especially Manorama and Asianet advocates and succeeds. It may be true or false, but it is a belief, which no one can predict, and since the people who are going to be affected are in Kerala, it is the responsibility of the Tamil Nadu government to create an opinion of strengthening the Dam. Even it is as strong as it is but the Tamil Nadu state has to responsible to address the issue till the last man in that area is satisfied.
Tamil Nadu government should say that the state will build the new dam and have the same legal agreement as it was for the Mullaiperiyar dam. Building a new dam has so much repercussion to the nature, forest etc in that area. However, one of the suggestion given by some authors seems good enough: I quote
• Reconfirming Kerala’s commitment to provide the present amount of water to Tamil Nadu
• Redefinition of the role of the Mullaperiyar dam as a diversion dam rather than a storage dam and creation of necessary the storage capacity needed for Tamil Nadu inside the state with adequate assistance from the centre

(This article entirely focused on the argument of Kerala government that water for Tamil Nadu safety for Kerala) With this argument they are convincing the masses. In this they never address the Dam agreement.I just explored that it is a fake by the Kerala government to convince the masses, that they are geniune. Also the Kerala Government refers that IIT report on the Dam. Actually, that is a private report from few people done a study, and it is not the official report of the IIT.
What is my stake on the agreement of the 999 years of lease of Mullaiperiyar Dam to Tamil Nadu? I leave it to the Supreme Court.

INDIAN ARMY AGE ROW: POLITICS BY THE NEWS MEDIA

I am astounded to see news channels advocating V.K.Singh indirectly asking him not to go to court in relation to the Age row of his because it would give a strong bad signal to everyone. NDTV, TimesNow, CnnIBnlive, all these months the media were discussing the issue. However, earlier( TIMESNOW: Is this a well orchestrated move to get rid of the man who placed tough and transparent measure to clean up the system:) the media talked good about the Army Chief V.K.Singh. Recently, since the Ministry of Defense rejected V.K.Singh's claim of his date of birth to be in the year of 1951 was rejected, the media started jumping on to Singh in the name of defaming the army, which is to say that the army chief should accept the Defense Ministrie's claim. This was broadcasted by the media in their own way. The present discussion in the media starts with whether the age controversy is affecting the morale of the army Indian Army :
(This was a way long video, the present video say the same as other channels say:
NDTV: What does this do about the image of the army?(Ndtv’s title may not go with the discussion as it does,that is the crux of NDTV 24/7)Therefore we should recall that the News Media once told good things about him with the same issue but now they are talking only about the honor of the Indian Army, and also they don't talk about his credential as they spoke once. The News Media at present wanted to talk about dignity, fame and honor of Indian Army, because the News Media doesn't have the courage to talk against the Government. It is an unnecessary news being broad casted every now and then with a negative intention, just to morally pressurize the Army Chief V.K.Singh to accept the decision. Every news channel had a Retired Army person in their panel, who were trying to convey that there has been a biased approach by the Defense Ministry towards the Army, and also the Ministry is victimizing the Chief for his act in pinning the Army in the land scam issue.
My Stand:
I strongly do not feel that the issue of the Age row of an Army chief is defaming the army. (off the record the Indian Army don't have such fame in the first stance either in India or abroad, It is only the Mainstream media glorifies the Army. what these Army do in the case of North- east, Kashmir etc, is only the people who live there knows it). However, we too cannot reject some of the remarkable move made by few of the Army chiefs lately, where the army rejected the ministry's command check the video , also check the scam on the army people


Why is the media advocating not to go for the court?
Media which once spoke about the Army Chief's credential is not speaking about the same now?
what are his credentials?
I browsed and got some information; those follow:
Singh the then Eastern Army Commander ensured strict action was taken against Avadesh Prakash, the main accused in the land scam and a man who was the head of the Military Secretary branch holding the age records.
His credentials:
On 11 March 2011, Singh was inducted into the United States Army War College (Class of 2001 graduate) International Fellows Hall of Fame. He is the 33rd International Fellow and the first Indian Armed Forces officer to be inducted.
Param Vishisht Seva Medal , Ati Vishisht Seva Medal, Yudh Seva Medal, Param Vishisht Seva Medal
Ati Vishisht Seva Medal, Yudh Seva Medal for his distinguished service during Operation Pawan, Ranger Tab

Background:
V.K.Singh has a birth certificate as on 1951. His school certificate says 1951. school entry certificate, provisional certificate, Police medical certificate, passport, identity card, all carries 1951. While he joined the UPSC he gave 1950 at that time, he was unaware of such and at that time he did not have the matriculation certificate.
In army everyone who joins the force will have a list called Army list in the headquarters, which is in the South block. First two years no one would be allowed to even near the headquarters. After few years Army chief reported the difference of Age in the application he filled in, which he reported after 6 years 1971. The in charge said he would take care but as any other government service they let it to elapse for years. Singh saw army list after 12 years. He joined the army on 1965.
2006 was the first time the age row erupted in public, once again it was told to him that the issue would be resolved,
Ministry secretary branch informed the defense ministry about the same. Actually the Defense Ministry do not have any role in this issue, but still they were informed, which is to say that there is more in this issue and not Age alone for the Army Chief. The controversy that started five years ago peaked during the Sukhna land investigations. Singh the then Eastern Army Commander ensured strict action was taken against Avadesh Prakash, the main accused in the land scam and a man who was the head of the Military Secretary branch holding the age records.
CNNIBN
For most of our surprise V.k.singh says all of his promotion certificate carries the 1951 as the date of birth, which was also endorsed by the Prime Minister.
Therefore let us say one thing that the Age controversy has many things to reveal, and surely not as like the News Media talks as a honor of the Indian Army. Whatsoever, even if we stick to the media's view then we should ask one simple question to the media.
Bradley Manning a US solider leaked the video of US military shooting the unarmed civilians in Iraq, which was released by the Whistle bowler Julian Assange, Check the link:
What is the response of the Indian Media towards the act of Bradley Manning, did he defame the US army, or he did a great job in exposing the true face of US military in Iraq? In case the Indian News Media says that Bradly Manning's act is wrong. Then why the hell they all praised and sang for Julian Assange's work, and praised the whistle blowers in India. And we should not forget that the work of Whistle bowler is also the same as what Manning did.
Now another question, at this instance we all should ask, whether the Indian News Media was falsely praising the Indian Army in Kashmir, North East etc. Did the Indian New Media think that exposing the Indian Army in those above area would certainly defame the Indian Army.

then what will the media in the United state do. I would seriously suspect their sincerity. Also this shows that the news media in India will never let anything bad come out to the public. Rather they would show them as heroes.

Why I am Against TEAM ANNA LOKPAL?

The Lokpal issue once again made the people across India to debate partly on reservation, democracy and Freedom of speech. Mostly these people are from the middle/upper middle, and elite class of the Indian society.
In recent times India has seen number of corruption cases. Such as 2G, illegal Mining scam in Karnataka, etc. For more details check the web link , (This list is just the politicians), The black money in foreign country is mostly the corporaters (click): , not to forget the bueracracy too: A 2005 study done by Transparency International (TI) in India found that more than 50% of the people had firsthand experience of paying bribe or peddling influence to get a job done in a public office.[2] Taxes and bribes are common between state borders; Transparency International estimates that truckers pay annually US$5 billion in bribes.[3] A 2009 survey of the leading economies of Asia, revealed Indian bureaucracy to be not just least efficient out of Singapore Such as a background a movement called India Against Corruption takes up the lead role a new law to handle such cases. (Wikipedia). The swiss bank in 90s released list of people who have account in their bank, it included Mr. Rajiv Gandhi who had then Rs. 13,200 crores. It is the only reason the UPA II signed an agreement with the Swiss Bank authority that the bank will only furnish details of those who open or hold an account in future. Hence the past information will not be acquired by the Indian government. If we look back the last loksabha election campaign, Mr. Advani’s first target was bringing black money from the Swiss bank. It doest mean that BJP, CPI (M), CPI, BSP etc are not corrupt. Most of the political organization in India do have trust, etc, which would be making their black money into white. It is also the fact the major corporations, TATA, AMBANI all sponsor the political parties during election. If we have to recall the Kingfisher was bailed out by the Indian government.
Therefore in India every organization, corporations, politicians, Bureaucrats most of them are facing the corruption charges. However, it should not surprise anyone, that why only politicians are blamed. India is Socialist Secular Democratic Republic with a parliamentary system of government. Certainly we have bureaucrats who have their own power in State and center India's suffocating bureaucracy was ranked the least-efficient by the survey, which said working with the country's civil servants was a slow and painful process. They are a power centre in their own right at both the national and state levels, and are extremely resistant to reform that affects them or the way they go about their duties, PERC said. (Indian Express: June 3, 2009). But why politicians are only blamed is to be seen in the diversified India. The problem of politician termed as corrupt in large scale is only after the Mandal commission’s implementation of OBC reservation. Since then many of the dominant caste in politics and even in the political parties were replaced by the OBC population. Therefore we could see since then a large number of OBC’s as Parliamentarians. This created an antagonism from the Upper caste and the dominant caste Brahmins who were reluctant in promoting or encouraging the downtrodden communities. Though NDTV 24/7, TIMESNOW, CNNIBN would speak in lavish English against caste system, but whenever a political party is contesting elections, or forming a government, these channels will be comfortable with the political parities decision in giving chances to the dominant Caste community. Therefore it is very important to see who speaks about corruption in India. The Team Anna’s members are many but let us take three, those are Ms. Kiran bedi (former IPS officer), Mr. Aravind Kejriwal (former government servant and started an NGO), Mr. Kisan Baburao Hazare (Former solider), Once “Justice P.B. Sawant (Retd) told television news channels on Sunday that his inquiry had revealed that `2.2 lakhs had been diverted from Mr Hazare’s trust for his birthday celebrations, and that this action amounted to “corruption”.” It is to be remembered that the majority of the Chief justice, judges, advocates or Brahmins and upper caste in New Delhi. And in India the reservation doesnot imply in appointing High Court and Supreme Court judges. Therefore people should know that the meritorious argument against reservation policy doesn’t hold for Judiciary because it these meritorious judges fall many times for criticism, it is this that makes Mr. Prashant Bhusan to fight for clean Judiciary. It is so difficult for anyone to see a Dalit there.
Team Anna consists of Army, IPS(bueracrat), NGO also Government servant, and Senior advocate in Delhi, and many more. It is these people who are talking about the corruption in India, who also was part of the Bueracratic system which was one of the reason for massive corruption. It is better they spoke about the system where they once belonged, rather than the outsiders speaking. At present all of these people fall under an NGO called India against corruption. At this point we should remember the role of NGO in Indian context. In India there are 3.3 million NGO’s registered in the year 2009 one NGO for less than 400 Indians, and many times the number of primary schools and primary health centres in India. Now it is these NGO’s who have gathered to bulldoze the Parliament system. Certainly majority of the NGO’s are maintained by Upper caste and Brahmins in India. We should also not forget that many of the institutes are also registered under the same as an NGO is registered. Most of the schools and institutes in India have registered under a trust, which means no-profit. We should remember that most of the time we complain that these colleges and institutes have the largest fees. One very good example is the Asian College of Journalism in Chennai, which is registered under Trust, and still collects a huge amount. One of the salient features these NGO’s and Trust are that they don’t fall under the government control, therefore they are privileged in fixing the fees, admission etc. Even under the right to information Act these organization do not fall directly. They are not accountable to anyone. However, if an NGO or a Trust gets some revenue from the Government, then they would be part of the Government control. However, we should remember that majority of the big corporate NGO’s will never need government support for their financial purposes. The Right to Inforamtion Act 2005 was passed in India, which did not cover the NGO’s( Trust, Societies, Non-profit companies), it is only in 2007 officially it was included, but still the act never mentioned NGO’s directly by any legal law frame work. Therefore many of the RTI activist faced problem in getting information from schools, institutes, etc. Not surprisingly the NGO’s were not included in Mr. Hazare teams Lok Pal too.
For my surprise Hazare team’s lokpal, makes NGO, social activist, part of the Lokpal panel. Team Anna’s lokpal says that 1. “NGOs not within the scope due to their role in exposing corruption.” Team Anna’s movement India Against Corruption will not fall within lokpal because they are exposing corruption.
2. At least four members of Lokpal shall have a legal background, It could also be an advocate working in the High Court or the Supreme court at least 15 years. Now we should remember that Prashanth bhusan and his father Shanthi Bhusan fall under this category. At least now Shanthi Bhusan can be the member of the Lokpal. 3. In Search committee not less than 5 members from the Civil society within the total 10 members. Many of the NGO’s can be part of it, however only those NGO’s who have Impeccable intergrity and record of public service particularly in the field of fighting corruption shall be eligible for being considered for nomination. If 3 members in the search committee objects to a candidate then the candidate will not be included in the short list. Now we should recall they wanted 5 members from NGO background. In this Team Anna will have a greater say.

(21) The Chairperson or members of Lokpal shall not be serving member of either the
Parliament or the Legislature of any State and shall not hold any office of profit (other
than the office as Chairperson or member) or carry on any business or practice any
profession and accordingly, before he enters upon his office, a person appointed as
the Chairperson or member of Lokpal shall‐
(i) if he holds any office or profit, resign from such office; or
(ii) if he is carrying on any business, sever his connection with the conduct
and management of such business; or
(iii) if he is practicing any profession, suspend practice of such profession, or
(iv) if he is associated directly or indirectly with any other activity, which is
likely to cause conflict of interest in the performance of his duties in
Lokpal, he should suspend his association with that activity.
Provided that if even after the suspension, the earlier association of that
person with such activity is likely to adversely affect his performance at
Lokpal, that person shall not be appointed as a member or Chairperson of
Lokpal.
Therefore even Team Anna has chances of becoming the chairperson/member of Lokpal. It is so atrocious that the Team Anna’s NGO: India Against Corruption wanted to take over the Lokpal body in to address corruption.
Above is the reason for me to keep away from Team Anna’s India Against Corruption, it is selfish on their part of not including NGO, corporate, trust, societies etc. Even the corporate media is not under the Lokpal of Team Anna’s. Overall, Team Anna’s lokpal concentrates mostly on the Government organizations. Every government in the center is converting government sectors into Private sectors. Therefore Private sectors too should fall under the Lokpal, even under RTI. I feel it is only reason for corporate media being comfortable in giving voice only for Team Anna. I remember one incident in Delhi, while Team Anna was protesting some Dalits/OBC and others protested against Team Anna. A TV crew came there and abused those who were protesting against Team Anna saying you are obstructing Traffic. I fail to understand why such TV crew never question Team Anna for obstructing Traffic either in Mumbai or Delhi. It may not surprise most of the media person are educated in either of the Brahmanical institute, who don’t even understand what is Reservation.
One of the major difference between the debate on reservation during mandal and at present, I see the Team Anna is not comfortable in expressing their view of anti-reservation openly. However, the media especially Rajdeep Sardesai, openly advocated against the Reservation in Lokpal.
NDTV, TIMESNOW, CNNIBN all were allout war on the congress government for giving reservation in lokpal. Every media said Lokpal is not a job seeking institution or providing job it is to investigate corruption. I wonder what have these news channels been doing these many year of not understanding about reservation.
Also they state, CVC, Election Commission, CAG do not have reservation policy in selecting the chairperson. These bodies are just advocating body, and lokpal is above all these bodies which has too much power. In a country like India with too many diversity, there must be a body which understands and respects the diversity, that is the only reason we need reservation. In other words, we can still witness. Orelse we will have some news media such as Rajdeep sardesai who will be a chairman of the Lokpal.
This context we should remember that majority of the News Media were involved in the 2G Scam, Rajdeep sardesi, Burka Dutt, etc played key role in 2G scam and now only a Dalit minister Mr. A.Raja is victimized. It is the same media advocating for corruption free India.
Let there be a lokpal, which will be independent.
Let the Lokpal have powers to inquire any one including NGO, Corporate, Trust, News Media, Societies.
Let there be a lokpal, which has reservation for all members of the depressed community.
At last, the present lokpal of the government is fully controlled by the government. it is useless to even pass the law. they must be independent of the government.

I remember in Rajasabha while the debate was going, the BJP objected for including Trust into the Lokpal. Certainly, no one will know how many trust is controlled by BJP.

Live Channel to Start

I am frustrated seeing news on the national Medias. And certainly the regional medias too. The recent media which I liked to watch was the www.puthiyathalaimuraitv.com but suddenly I saw them broadcasting live Hazare’s speech from Chennai. Every one would appreciate for giving live broadcast. The problem is they don’t give live broadcast even for the Kudankulam protest. Many people would say since it is a long protest for days together, it is not possible to broadcast. Basically no Media is interested in real issues therefore whatever it is they will never broadcast. My point is why cant they at least give live coverage when they speak on stage. There were various political and activities giving speeches there, why cant these corporate media broadcast those speeches live.
Saying above I am also sad that every time it is the ruling class exploits the scientific innovation or new technology. See for example, when the mobile or the internet became access many of the ruling elite started exploiting, such as sending sms to mobile phones. Certainly Hazare and his ruthless ‘Nazis’ used the technique and now the government has bought the regulation towards the same. Same with facebook and other internet browsing, soon or later they are going to bring regulations. Therefore I would rather say let us also exploit the internet, before the government brings rules and regulations.
We can start a news TV channel by ourselves, instead of depending upon these pseudo corporate media mafia, working for the interest of the 1% of the billionaire in India. The PM, CM all depend upon these billionaire for their political mileage. Many people might think that starting a news channel would cost a huge amount. But actually we can start with just 10 to 20 thousand rupee.
We know that we have 24/7 news channels, but if you understand it clearly majority of their programme would be filmed and then broadcasted. Only some live coverage we could see. And most us do not see the News 24/7, we choose programme and then fix the time for viewing. Everyone would choose the evening or the morning news. Therefore we should understand that the news channels broadcasts only one hour, which is watched by most. In addition to this there are programmes were we can see the debates etc.
In the above case, since we have movements working on the field, our duty is only to co-ordinate works with them and get footages and upload in one single website. Or gather the news from all the movement and present it as a news. We can organize debates in colleges and put those footages on the web. This is also followed by the Democracy now channel, if I am not wrong. This channel is only online. Remember, almost every news channels are online and they also give advertisement, which means there are many viewers. Anybody is interested please do start.

2004-November: The Rape Trade from Claudio von Planta on Vimeo.

Tamilnadu Untouchability Eradication Front (CPM): A critique

Ayya Adhiyamaan says: Theendaamai Olipu Munnani(Untouchablity Eradication Front) was started in Tamil Nadu few years before, which is a wing within CPM (Tamil Nadu), Aathi Thamilar Peravai also joined them. Even at that point we objected to the name "Theendaamai", because this was spoken during the Gandhi's period. Therefore it is not appropriate to talk about the same after 50 years of independence. Basically it should either be as Caste eradication or eradication of Hindu religion, such we argued. Even then they did not yield to the idea of opposing the name. However, they were taking so many issues related to Arunthathiyars, which made us to feel better.
I do not completely reject them, but still they have not understood the reality.


If they are very serious about Dalits getting political power, then they should stop fighting for temple entry, untouchability, etc and they should provide utleast 10 districts secretary post for Dalits within 30 districts, which will result to solve Dalit problem themselves. In particular they should give atleast 5 district post for arunthathiyars.

At present even in state level, district level or thaluk level, there are still no posts are given to dalits according to their percentage. Therefore they speak the 'untouchability' as Gandhi spoke. Gandhi standing within the Hindu Religion, started saying that we should be together, we should not separate. That was the reason for him to use the word "Harijan", The same concept is followed by CPM (TNUEF) even after 50 years of independence, which means talking abstractly about dalit, and not serious about their emancipation. Therefore I am here to say that last week Aathi Thamilar Peravai has withdrawn the membership from TNUEF.

(The Interview was taken at coimbatore in ATP office. The video was shoot by Mr. Randeep Singh,punjab)
Aathi Thamilar Peravai(ATP) is an organization fighting for the injustice done to dalit community, arunthathiyars in particular. Arunthathiyars are those who engage in manual scavenging, leather working and other menial jobs in tamil nadu.

watch the video in Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xtEczY20_ic


The video is in Tamil, and I translated it here.

september 11, 2011 caste violence in Tamil Nadu: the Truth, ground report.

செப்டம்பர் பதினொன்று நினைவுநாள், வருஷத்தில் இந்த ஒரு நாள் மட்டும்
 தென்மாவட்டங்கள் மற்றும் தமிழ்நாட்டில் உள்ள தலித் அமைப்புகள் பரவலாக இந்த நினைவு இடத்திற்கு(தீயாகி இம்மானுவேல் சேகரன்) வந்து செல்வார்கள். ஒவொரு ஆண்டும் இந்த இடத்துக்கு வருவோர்கள் அதிகரித்துக்கொண்டுதான் இருக்கிறார்கள். 
கடந்த பத்துஆண்டுகள் ஜான் பாண்டியன் அண்ணன் சிறையில் இருந்ததால் வரவில்லை. மற்ற தலைவர்கள் வழக்கம்போல்  வருவார்கள்.  அதை போல பல ஆண்டுகளாக அண்ணன் கிருஷ்ணசாமி சட்டமன்ற உறுப்பினர் ஆகவில்லை. இந்த முறை இவர் இருவரும் வருவதால், ஊடகங்கள் இந்த ஆண்டு மிக அதிகமாக கூட்டம் சேர்வார்கள் என்று பதிவு செய்திருந்தார்கள்.  ஆகையால், இந்த ஆண்டு மிக எதிர்பார்ப்புடன்தான் கூடியது இந்த நினைவுநாள்.
இன்று கலவரம் வேடிததிற்கு காரணம், அண்ணன் ஜான் பாண்டியன் நை தூதுகொடியில் இன்று காலையில் காவல் அதிகாரிகள் கைதுசெயததால் தான். அரசாங்கமோ அவரை கைது செய்யவில்லை என்று பொய் சொலுகிறது, ஆனால் அவை உண்மை அல்ல.
அண்ணன் ஜான் பாண்டியனை கைது செய்ய காரணம், முதல் நாள் இதே ராமநாதபுர மாவட்டம், நந்தனமால் என்ற ஊரில் ஒரு தலித் சிறுவன் நாடகத்தை பார்த்து கொண்டு திரும்பிய பொழுது அவனை தேவர் சமுகத்தை சேர்ந்தவர்கள் அடித்தே கொன்றனர். ஆகையால், அண்ணன் ஜான் பாண்டியன் அவர்கள் இமானுவேல் சேகருக்கு அஞ்சலி செலுத்திய பின்பு அந்த சிறுவன்  வீட்டுக்கு  செல்வார்கள் என்று உளவு துறைக்கு தகவல் கிடைகிறது. ஆகவே, ஜான் பாண்டியன் அவர்கள் அந்த சிறுவன் விட்டுக்கு சென்றால் செல்லும் வழியில், தேவர்கள் உள்ள கிராமங்களில் எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவிப்பார்கள்( இல்லையேல் மட்டும் இந்த தேவர்கள் தீயாகி இம்மானுவேல் சேகரின் நினைவு நாளை ஏற்று கொண்டார்கள, இல்லையேல் மூடிகிட்டு இருந்தார்களா இல்லை, எதோ ஒரு பிரச்னை செய்வது வழக்கம், காரணம், சாதி வெறி பிடித்த நாய்கள்), தலித்துகளும் அதை எதிர்பார்கள் என்பதால், காவல் துறையினர்  ஜான் பாண்டியன் அண்ணனை தூத்துக்குடியில் கைது செய்கிறார்கள். இந்த தகவல் அஞ்சலி செலுத்த ஜான் பாண்டியன் வருவார்கள் என்று காத்து கொண்டு இருந்த மக்களுக்கு அதிர்ச்சி, இருபினும் அவர்கள் காவல் அதிகாரிகளிடம் ஜான் பாண்டியன் அண்ணனை அஞ்சலி செளுதவாவது அனுமதிக்குமாறு கேட்டனர், காவல் அதிகாரி மறுத்தார். ஆதலால் அஞ்சலி செலுத்த காதுகொண்டுயருந்த மக்கள் போருடுகிரார்கள், (போராடியவர்கள் கற்களை விசியதால் காவல் துறை துப்பாக்கி சுடு நடத்தியதாக போய் பிரச்சாரம் செய்கிறார்கள், ஆனால் அக்டோபர் 30 இல் முத்துராமலிங்க தேவருக்கு நினைவு நாள் நடக்கும் பொழுது மிக அதிகமாக கூடம் சேரும், அந்த நிகழ்ச்சியில் இதை போன்று துப்பாக்கி சுடோ அல்லது படுகொலைகளோ இதுவரையுளும் நடந்ததுகிடையாது.   சாதி இந்துகளுக்கு ஒரு கோபம்  என்வென்றால் ஒரே மாவட்டத்தில் தேவருக்கும், தலித்துக்கும் நடக்கும் நினைவு அஞ்சலி சரிசமமாக நடக்கிறது என்று. அதாவது தலித்துகளும் மிக அதிக கூத்தை சேர்கிறார்கள், அல்லாமல், நிறைய தலைவர்களும் வர்கிறார்கள் என்பது சாதி ஹிந்துக்களுக்கும அங்கு உள்ள தேவர்களுக்கும் போருகமுடிவதில்லை.
தெய்வதிருமகனார் என்று தேவர்கள் முத்துராமலிங்க தேவரை அளிப்பது வழக்கமாக கொண்டுயள்ளனர், அதை போலவே, தலித்துகளும் இம்மநுஎல் சேகரை அளிப்பது வழக்கம். சில மாதங்களுக்கு முன்பு தேவதுருமகனார் என்று ஒரு தமிழ் படம் வெளியானது, அதற்கு தேவர்கள் கடுமையாக எதிர்த்தார்கள், தேவர்கள் பலர் திரைப்பட துறையில் இருப்பதால் அவர்கள் பெயரை மாற்றி தெய்வத்திரு மகள் என்று பெயர் வைத்தார்கள்.
ஆகையால், இபொழுது தலித்துகள் இம்மானுவேல் சேகரை வழக்கம் போல் தேவதிருமகனார் என்று ப்ளெக்ஸ்சியும் பந்நேரையும் தயாரித்தார்கள், இதை கடுமையாக தேவர்களில் ஒரு பிரிவினர்(மறவர்) அவர்கள் எதிர்த்தார்கள், காவல் நிலையத்தில் புகார் செய்தனர். கவல்துரைனர் பேனர் எழுதுவூரையும், ப்ளேசி அடிபோரையும் மிரடுகிறது, ஆகையால், அதிகமானோர் திருமகனார் என்ற வார்த்தையை அடிபதிலை, ஆனால், அண்ணன் ஜான் பாண்டியன் அவர்களுடைய இயக்கம் பரவலாக தெய்வதிருமகனார் என்பதை எழுதினார்கள். இபப்டி எழுதியதால் காவல் துறைக்கு இவர்கள் மீது வெறி, நாம் சொல்வதை இவர்கள் கேட்பதில்லை என்பது,  அதைப்போல தேவர் சமுகத்தில் உள்ள அமைச்சர்களுக்கு கூடுதலான வெறி தலித்துகளின் மீது, இந்த தேவர் சமுகத்தில் உள்ளோர் திவதிருமகனார் என்ற வார்த்தை தேவர்கள் மட்டும் பயன் படுத்தவேண்டும், தலித்துகள் பயன் படித்தினால் அந்த வார்த்தைக்கு மரியாதை இல்லாமல் போகும் என்று கோவம்.
இந்த கோபமும் இன்று நடந்த போராட்டமும் சேர்ந்து தலித்துகளின் மீது கொலைவேரிதாகுதல் நடத்தினார்கள். என்ன்றால் இன்று காவல் துறையினர் வெறும் தடி அடி நடத்தி இந்த கூட்டத்தை கலைத்து இருக்கலாம், மற்றும் காவலாளிகள் தண்ணீர் வண்டியையும் மற்றும் கண்ணீர் புகை குண்டையும் வைதிருந்தும கூட அதை அதிகமாக பயன்படுத்தவில்லை என்பது நிதர்தமான உண்மை. ஆனால் காவல் துறையினர் துப்பாக்கி சுடு நடத்தினார்கள், நடத்தியது அல்லாமல் காவல் துறையினர் குறுவது கூடிய கூடம் வாகனங்கள் மீது தீ வைத்தால் தான் துப்பாக்கி சுடு நடத்தியதாக குறுவது அப்பட்டமான பொய்.  இந்த காவல் துறையினர் வழக்கமாக கூறுவது, கூடிய கூட்டம் கல்லை எறிந்தார்கள் என்றும், இல்லையேல் பெண்களை கேலி செய்தார்கள், இல்லையேல் தண்ணி போடு கல்ட செய்கிறார்கள் என்று கூறி இமானுவேல் சேகரின் நினைவு நாளுக்கு வருவோர்களை தொந்தரவு செய்வது காவல் துறையினர் வழக்கம். ஆகவே, ஒவ்வொரு இம்மானுவேல் சேகரின் நினைவு அஞ்சலின் பொழுது காவல் துறையினர் இப்படி குறுவது வழக்கம்.   ஆகவே இன்று நடந்த துப்பாக்கி சுடு என்பது இதற்கு முன்பு இருந்த கோபதி வெளி கட்டுவதே என்பதை நாம் புரிந்துகொலவேண்டும்.
இந்த தியாகி இம்மானுவேல் சேகரின் நினைவு விழாவானத்து பாத்து லைட்சம் பேர் குடும் விழாவாக உள்ளது, இப்படி கூடும் கூட்டத்தை ஒடுக்கவேண்டும் என்பது அரசாங்கத்துக்கும் எண்ணம் உள்ளது, குறிப்பாக ஜெயலலிதா அரசாங்கம் இதில் அதிக கவனம் செலுத்தும்.  என்ன்றால் தமிழ் நாட்டில் பரவலாக நம்பகொடியதும், உண்மையும் கூட, அதாவது ஜெயலலிதாவின் அரசாங்கம் ஆனது தேவர்களின் அரசாங்கம் என்பது நிதர்தமான உண்மையும் கூட.
பதிவி ஏற்று ஒரு ஆண்டு கூட ஆகாத நிலையில், சாதி வன்முறையை கட்டவிழ்த்து விட ஜெயலலிதாவின் அரசாங்கம் மீது பேரும அதிருப்தி தலித்துகளுக்கு.
இன்று நடந்த பரமக்குடி மறியல், மற்ற இடங்களுக்கும் பரவியது இதுவே முதலாவது.
பாரதிக் ஊரில் மறியல்,  மதுரையில் மறியல், இளையான்குடியில் மறியல், முதலோதர் பக்கம் பதைற்றம், மற்றும் அதிகமான இடத்தில பதற்றமான நிலையுள்ளது, 
இந்தமாதி சம்பவங்கள் ராமநாதுபுற மாவட்டத்தில் நடக்கும் பொழுது, தொடர்வண்டிகளை இது வரிலும் நிறுத்தியதே கிடையாது, ஆனால் அரசாங்கம் தொடர்வண்டிகளை நிறுத்தி.
 உள்ளார்கள்,
ஆகவே நாம் அனைவரும் ஒன்று பட்டு இந்த  சாதி வன்முறையை கண்டிக்கவேண்டும், போராடவேண்டும்.
ஒன்று சேருவோம், இந்த சதி தேவர்களை வேரருப்போம்.

இறந்தவர்களுக்கு, நாய்க்கு பீயை காட்டுவது போல, ஒரு லட்சியத்தை நிவாரணமாக குடுக்கிறார் ஜெயலலிதா. இதற்கு மேல் கேவலம் செய முடியாது, இறந்தவர்கள் அனைவரும் இளைன்கர்கள்.
மற்றும் ஜெயலலிதா கூறியதாவது இந்த விஷத்தை அரசியல் படித்தினால் அதை நான் வன்மையாக கண்டிக்கிறேன் என்கிறார்கள்.
நாங்கள் கேட்பது, யார் அரசியல் பண்ணுவது, அண்ணன் ஜான் பாண்டியன் கைது எதற்காக பண்ணினீர்கள்?
அவர் அந்த சிறுவனை அடித்து கொன்ற இடத்துக்கு போகவேண்டாம் என்று சொன்னால், அவரை அந்த வழியில் விடாமல் வேறு வழியில் விடுயருகவேண்டும். இல்லையேல், கஊடுதலாக பாதுகாப்பு கொடுதிருகவேண்டும்.
ஜான் பாண்டியனை கைது செய்தால் என்ன நடக்கும் என்பது அரசாங்கத்துக்கு தெரிந்தே இதனையும் செய்து இருகிராது, ஆதாவது எப்படியாவது, தீயாகி இம்மானுவேல்லின் நினைவு நாளை முடக்கவேண்டும் என்ற கேவலமான சாதி பிடித்த அரசாங்கத்தின் அரசியலே.

இதே போலதான் நெற்கட்டான் சேவல்லில் நடந்த maamannar ஒன்டீவீரன் நினைவு நாளை, முடக்க பார்த்தார்கள் தேவர்கள். பொருத்தது போதும், பொங்கி எழு, இந்த சாதி வெறியர்களை முடக்க......

Dalit women raped and her limbs were cut and the boy was killed both were brutally done

Brutality in Tamil Nadu, the two bodies lay are dalits and Tamils. Why tamil nationalist in Tamil Nadu are not talking of this issue and certainly Dalit movement too.

Below photo will show that her limbs are cut-off.

 Women's body was cut off from her organ to her stomach

 They say acid was thrown on the guys pic to remove his identity.

Dalit woman panchayat chief “faced discrimination”

The Dalit (Arunthathiyar) panchayat president, P. Krishnaveni of Thalaiyuthu panchayat in Tirunelveli, who was brutally attacked by a gang recently, had repeatedly filed complaints with the police officials and district administration citing caste-based discrimination but the administration failed to act, says a fact-finding report.

A fact-finding team, comprising members of Confederation of Federations of Elected Presidents of Panchayat Government, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry; Tamil Nadu Federation of Women Presidents of Panchayat Government; and Dalit Panchayat Presidents Federation of Tamil Nadu, visited the village twice and spoke to the villagers, members of gram sabha and a few officials.

The report, which was released here on Tuesday, says that Ms. Krishnaveni had been facing discrimination right from the day of her announcement to contest elections. She was not allowed to sit in the chair that was allotted for the elected president. Since May, 2007, she had filed 12 complaints with the police and district administration about the discrimination and on her right to function independently but no action was taken.

The fact-finding team has found that Ms. Krishnaveni had to seek the help of District Collector to execute her duties as the vice-president had been thwarting all attempts made by her to work independently.

There were reports that the vice-president and his supporters usually disrupted the proceedings of gram sabha meeting and she had to seek police protection to conduct meetings.

Irrespective of caste affiliation, she had functioned in an unbiased way, stated the villagers. She had taken many decisions in a bold manner which had invited the wrath of a few sections of the dominant castes.

The team also came to know that Dalit presidents belonging to 125 panchayats in the district were subject to one form of discrimination or the other.

Recommendations

The State Government should ensure legal and administrative safeguards and guarantees enshrined in the Constitution. State and district administration should intervene immediately and provide non-discriminatory and atrocity-free political environment for the chiefs to function independently and effectively. The report concluded that panchayat presidents belonging to Dalit communities and women in particular were still being discriminated against.

Thanks The Hindu: Madurai June 22/2011

scavenging and rehabilitation

தோழர்களே, அருந்ததியர் இயக்கங்கள் சில பொழுது துப்புரவு மற்றும் தோல் தொழில் செய்வோர்களுக்கு மறுவாழ்வு என்று கூறுவார்கள். முதலில் மறுவாழ்வு  என்றால் என்ன. இவர்கள் மர்ருவாழு என்று சொல்லும் பொழுது, இந்த சாதி தொழிலில் உள்ள இழிவை போக்க வேண்டும் என்று கூறுகிறார்கள். தொழிலை ஒளிபதால் சாதி ஒழியாது என்பது அனைவரும் அறிந்ததே. மற்றும் எத்தனை அருந்ததியர் இயக்கங்களுக்கு தொல்தொளில் மற்றும் துபரவு பணிபுரியும் நமது சகோதரரின் பிரச்சனைகள் தெரியும். இந்தகட்டத்தில்  வீடியோ வை அனைவரும் பார்க்க வேண்டும்.

http://tamilnadudalits.blogspot.com/2010/03/kotagiri-town-panchayat.ஹ்த்ம்ல்

இப்படி இருக்க, நான் அண்ணன் அதியமான் சொல்லும் கருத்தை நம்ப்புபவன், அதாவது, அருந்ததியரின் விடுதலையே அனைவரின் விடுதலை என்று குருவார். ஆனான் நமது இயக்கங்கள் ஒரு மாற்று அரசியலை பார்க்க வில்லை.  பறை அடிக்கும் பறையர்கள் தங்களது பறையை ஆயுதமாக கொண்டார்கள். நம்மால் அதை  செய்ய இயலாது. தொடபதை ஏந்திக்கொண்டு போராட முடியாது என்பது பரவலாக உள்ள கருது. நமது சமுகம் இந்த தொழிலை செய்யும் பொழுது, அந்த தொழிலை ஏற்று கொண்டு செய்யவில்லை என்பதும் அனையவரும் அறிந்ததே. மற்றும் தொழிலே விட்டுட்டு வெளியில் வந்தால் இன்னமும் மோசமாக தான் வாழு நாடாகும் என்பதை தோல் தொழில் செயும் நமது சொந்தங்களை க்கிடால் தெரியும். அதாவது, அரசாங்க வேலையும் போய் ஒரு ப்ரோச்சனமே இல்லை. சாதி ஒழியாது. ஆகவே சாதி ஒலிப்பே இந்த மக்களின் விடுதலை. ஆகா ஒன்று இப்பொழுது புரிந்துகொலவேண்டு என்னவென்றால் சாதி ஒளிபேய் தான் முன்னிருதவேண்டும். அதை விடுத்தது மறு வாழ்வு என்று இந்த மக்களை  கேவலபடுதாதிர்கள். 'மறு வாழ்வு என்பது அருந்ததியர்களை ஒடுக்கி ஆளும் சமுகத்துக்கு தான் வேண்டுமே தவிர இந்த மகளுக்கு வேண்டியது இல்லை. 

மற்றும் அருந்ததியர் இயக்கங்கள் இட ஒதிக்கீடு வாங்கி விட்டார்கள் பிறகு என்ன, இந்த தோல், துப்புரவு, பண்ணை கூலிகளாக இருக்கும் நமது சகோதரருக்கு என்ன தீர்வு? 

நமது இயக்கங்கள் தனித்து நிற்க வேண்டும், மாற்று அரசியல் அப்பொழுதுதான் வரும். 

என்பது எனது தால்மேய் உடன் கருத்து.

The Crowd of the Foxes making politics out of tears

Till date, all the political organization have been seeing the Arunthathiyar populations problem as 'apolitical' problem. They have never ever even imagined to see these problems as a political problem of the society. The saddest part of the story is even the Dalit intellectuals are part of these crowds. check the link below, you will never see the argument political rather sympathetic.

http://www.tamilfms.com/2010/12/tv-shows-tv-serials-player-page.html?maintab=tvshows&title=23/Feb/2011%20|%20Wednesday%20|%20kannadi%20%20|%20Jaya%20TV%20Shows

Whenever we speak of Arunthathiyars only scavenging community comes into the picture and the leather working and people working as slaves under the feudal lordship never come to the public discourse discussion. It is told that arunthathiyars have a very great history in leather industry, no body in India can stand equal to their leather working skills. it is told by the Tamil nadu state government report. We are not aware of what happened to those reports in the government. 

It is sad when we compare the Khadar industry and other traditional jobs, which is under the custody of the State Government, the traditional leather industry has been wiped out from the Arunthathathiyars, and not a single person questioned that. For, how long do these political and social movement would make politics out of these innocent tears. And not talk about their political emaciation. Even if the leather working a stigma for the community, how is it not the scavenging profession outrightly continues in the existing in the society. Many movements have been asking the scavenging community to leave the jobs, but the scavengers in karnataka smeared Shit and protested, which only says that these communities are seen lesser than the Shit. 

3% reservation was provided by the DMK government, Arunthathiyar movements did protest the government. however, the ruthless AIADMK did not give a single cabinet post for arunthathiyars and we could not see any protest over the issue still. the so-called well wisher for the movement, especially the CPI(M), also keeps numb. Everyone will dance over the issues of Arunthathiyars unless and untill the Arunthathiyars themselves protest these issues. 

கண்ணீரில் பிழைப்பு தேடும் குள்ளநரி கூடங்கள் 

இதனால் வரையுளும் ஆதி மு க வும் மற்றும் பல அரசியல் கட்சிகளும் அருந்ததரியர் பிரச்சனையை, ஒரு அரசியல் பிரச்னையாக பார்த்ததே இல்லை என்பது மருகபடாத உண்மை. இவர்கள் அருந்தததியர் மலத்தை அல்லும் பொழுது பாவம், அச்சோ என்று ஈச்சு கொட்டினார்கள். அதில் அறிவு ஜீவிகளும் உள்ளார்கள். என்பது எனக்கு மிகவும் வேதனை தான் அழிகிறது. 

கீழே உள்ள லிங்கை பார்த்தல் புரியும். 

http://www.tamilfms.com/2010/12/tv-shows-tv-serials-player-page.html?maintab=tvshows&title=23/Feb/2011%20|%20Wednesday%20|%20kannadi%20%20|%20Jaya%20TV%20Shows

இந்த ஜீவிகளில் தலித் மக்களும் அடக்கம் என்பது, மிகவும் சொகதைதான் அழிகிறது. தலித் ஜீவிகள் ஒரு நிலையில் சாதியவதிகளாக தான் இருகிறார்கள் என்பதின் விளைவே இந்த சமுகம் இப்படி இருக்க காரணம்.

மலம் அல்லுவோர்களை, மலம் அல்ல வேண்டாம் என்று சொன்னால் சாத்தியம் எப்படி போகும் என்பது எனக்கு புரியவில்லை. கர்நாடகாவில் மலம் அல்லுவோர்கள் மலத்தை தன்மீது ஊற்றி போராடினார்கள். இது எதை குறிகிறது, என்றால், மலத்தை விடவும் இந்த மக்களை கேவலம்மாகதான் இந்த சமுகம் பார்க்கிறது. மற்றும் அருந்ததியர்களை பற்றி பேசும் பொழுது ஏன் மலம் அல்லுவோர்கள் தன எவருக்கும் நினவு வருகிறதே தவிர, தோல் தொழில் செய்யும், பண்ணை குளிகலாக வேலை செய்யும் அருந்ததியர்கள் நினைவுக்கு வருவது இல்லை. 

ஆகவே, இந்த சமுகத்துக்கு சாத்தியம் என்பது முதலீளும் கடசியுளும் வருவது மலமே, என்பது குரிபிடதகது. அண்ணல் அம்பேத்கர் சாதியத்தை பற்றி பேசும் பொழுது, காந்திக்கு மலம் அல்லும் தொழிலை தான் முன் நிறுத்துவார். ஆதே தான் நடக்கிறது இம்போளுதிம். ஒரு சமயத்தில் அருந்ததியர்கள், தோல் தொழில் செவதில் மிகவும் திறமை சாலிகள், இவர்கள் செய்யும் தொழிலுக் இந்தியாவிலேய ஈடேனை இல்லை. தோல் தொழில் செய்யும் அருந்ததியர்கள் ஒரு காலத்தில், பொருளாதரத்தில் சிறப்புடன் வாளிந்தார்கள். என்ற பல குறிப்புகளை, தமிழக அரசாங்கம் தயாரித்த ரிப்போர்ட் குறிக்கிறது. அந்த ரிபோர்ட் என்ன ஆனது என்பது எவருக்கும் தெரியாது, ஏன் நமது அருந்ததியர் இயக்கங்களுக்கும் திரியாது. 

தொழிற்சாலைகள் வந்தபொழுது, கைத்தொழில் செய்யும் அருந்ததியர்கள் நிரகரிகபடார்கள். அதன் காரணமாக  இப்பொழுதும் இவர்கள் உணவுக்கு கூட பணம் இல்லாமல், கொதோடிமய்களாக, தோல் தொழிற்சாலைகளில் பணிபுரிகிறார்கள். மேல் சாதி வர்கத்தில் உள்ள கைத்தொழிலை அரசாங்கம் தனி ஆணையம் பிறப்பித்தது, அதை ஒட்டி, கதர், மற்றும் பல வற்றை முன்னிறுத்தி அந்த மேல் சதி தொழிலை பாதுகாத்தார்கள். இந்த தோல் தொழில் செய்த அருந்ததியர்களை காப்பாற்ற எந்த நாதியும், ஜீவிகளும் இல்லை. 

மலம் அழும் தொழில் செய்யும் வோர் ஒரு குறிபிட்ட ஆண்டுக்கு பிறகு அவர்களுக்கு ப்ரோமொசியன்  குடுக்கவேண்டும். மற்றும், துபரவு ஆணையம் என்ற ஒன்றை பெயருக்கு இருக்ககூடாது. அந்த ஆணையம் மலம் அழும் குழந்தைகளுக்கு படிப்புக்காக எதுவும் செய்யவில்லை. 

மலத்தை வைத்து எந்தனை காலமாகதான் போராட்டம் நடத்துவார்கள் என்பது போருதிருந்துதான் பார்கவீண்டும். ஆனால் இந்த சமுகம் இன்னமும் ஆ தி மு க போன்ற கட்சி களில்தான் இன்னமும் இருக்கிறது. 3  சதவிதம் குடுத்த தி மு க அரசை கண்டித்த அருந்ததியர் இயக்கங்கள், அருந்ததியர்களுக்கு என்று ஒரு மினிஸ்டர் பதவி குடுக்காத ஆ தி மு க அரசாங்கத்தை எதிர்த்து இன்னமும் கூறல் கூடுகவிலை என்பது புரியாத  புதிராகத்தான் இருக்கிறது. ஏன் அருந்ததியர்களுகாக போராடும் இயக்கங்கள் குறிப்பாக தீண்டாமை ஒழிப்பு முன்னணி இந்த பிரச்சனையை கையில் எடுக்காதது, அவர்கள் சாத்தியம் பேசி பிழைப்பு தேடும் கூடங்கள். இவர்கள் அனைவரும் இந்த சமுகத்துக்கு வேலை செய்யும் குள்ளநரி கூடங்களே.