Dear Friends:
The Indian news media is always biased in some or the other news, hence there were a gap between reality and romanticising. Recently some magazines tried to patch the gap "Tehelek". However, they too proved not to fit that frame. Therefore i am collecting news from countries. which talks of the atrocities committed in the war zone and the camps.
Thanks times
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article6354888.ece?token=null&offset=0&page=1
Horror for civilians trapped in Sri Lanka's 'no-fire zone'
Catherine Philp in Colombo
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From the air, the battle zone reveals itself one clue at a time — the scorched patches of earth, the blasted palm trees, the burnt-out skeletal houses.
Then the helicopter banks sharp right over the green lagoon and a blaze of white sand appears — to the gasps of the first outsiders to glimpse the beach where the Tamil Tigers made their last stand.
Sri Lanka’s no-fire zone is a scene of such utter devastation it mocks its very name. It is a glimpse of hell unleashed in paradise. A glistening white beach packed with home-made bunkers where civilians huddled to protect themselves from the shells that the government denies launching in the final weeks of the offensive. The craters in the white sand; the charcoal coloured scorch marks and bombed-out dwellings; the abandoned bus, its forlorn white flag still flying, and the human detritus tell a very different story.
Peering down from above, one struggles to imagine the terror of being here in those last days of battle when 100,000 civilians were trapped in this tiny spit of sand between the guns of the Tamil Tigers and the cannons of the Sri Lankan army. No journalists, aid workers or independent observers have had access to the zone until this weekend when a small group of journalists accompanied the United Nations Secretary General on aa flight over the zone.
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200,000 Tamil civilians imprisoned in camp
Tigers begged me to broker surrender
US satellites spied on Sri Lankan conflict
Father Amalraj does not have to imagine; he was here in the bunkers, among his flock, until the day before the Tigers announced their surrender. He described the terror of living under the constant shelling as the last battle approached.
"The people were targets for both side," the Roman Catholic priest told The Times inside the barbed wire fences of Manik Farm, one of the camps to which Tamil civilians were sent after they escaped from the no-fire zone.
"There was heavy shelling from the army side. The LTTE shot people. The army were trying to capture us. The people were caught in between in the last moment for the LTTE and the crucial point in the battle for the army. I cannot say which side was crueller."
He and his parishioners fled their village, Poonakary, just below the Jaffna peninsula when government forces overran it last November. They were on the move for months, fleeing ahead of the fighting over and over again until they reached the narrow strip of land on the eastern side of the Nanthikadal Lagoon, north of Mullativu in February, soon after it was designated a no-fire zone" by the Government.
It was anything but. Father Amalraj described how the people in the zone had cowered in improvised bunkers built on the beach for weeks on end to escape the shelling. "The shelling was just like raining," he said. "Within this two square kilometres, there were more than 100,000 people, packed in and shells raining down."
Many were killed. The UN believes that between 8,000 and 10,000 civilians have died in the conflict since the beginning of this year.
Father Amalraj, albeit anecdotally, believes the final tally is far higher. "We cannot say exactly how many died, but it was many, I think about 20,000."
The Sri Lankan government denies inflicting a single civilian death, blaming the shelling on the Tamil Tigers, despite the accounts of witnesses like Father Amalraj who testify that the shells came from the direction of the government front line.
As April turned to May, and the artillery exacted a heavier toll, bodies went unburied.
"We didn’t have the chance to bury our kith and kin," Father Amalraj said. "We left them on the road. The whole crowd is a witness to that," he said, gesturing around to the parishioners gathered in his tent in Manik Farm. "All around, the dead and injured."
Some people were buried. From the air neat rows of freshly dug graves revealed themselves but it was unclear if they contained the bodies of fighters or civilians. Others have been dug but not filled. A crater next to them appears stained red. Elsewhere, on the beach near to civilian shelters, similarly shaped mounds appear in the sand. The Times has passed the photographs to independent experts for analysis.
Some of those who emerged to try and escape were felled by the Tigers’ gunfire. "The LTTE shot people trying to escape," Father Amalraj said. "It was not at random. They shot in the air and then they shot at the people and killed them."
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200,000 Tamil civilians imprisoned in camp
Tigers begged me to broker surrender
US satellites spied on Sri Lankan conflict
He named a Tiger commander who gave the orders to shoot at fleeing civilians as Tiramulai. The last person he saw shot before he fled was one of his parishioners, killed while trying to flee the zone on the afternoon of May 16, two days before the Tigers' leader Vellupilai Prabhakaran was killed.
But by then, the shelling was so intense that the remaining civilians decided that they had no option but to try to escape, even at the risk of being shot themselves.
"I said I am going with my people because we are going to die tonight here," he recalled. Most of the remaining civilians believed the same thing. Fifty thousand of them began to make their way towards the causeway out of the zone, rebuilt by government troops on the other side.
"We started coming out and they [the Tigers] fired at us. But they didn’t shoot me, they couldn’t stop me. We knew it was useless to stay. We put our fate with God."
What happened inside the so-called no fire zone will not be the subject of any investigation in Sri Lanka, although the Prime Minister has called for a commission to probe the arming and activities of the Tigers.
At a joint press conference with Mr Ban, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama brushed away questions about the chances of an investigation into war crimes by both sides. Was he entirely confident then that no Sri Lankan forces had committed such crimes? "Absolutely," he replied.
On Tuesday the UN Human Rights Council will meet to decide whether it believes there is cause for an international probe. Britain and the US are among the countries calling for one.
Father Amalraj, meanwhile, searches the tents of Zone Four in the Tamil "welfare camp" at Manik Farm, looking for his lost sheep. Of 4,000 original parishioners, he has no idea how many survived. Which side, in the end, does he blame for the terror and loss of those last few months in the no-fire zone? "As A Tamil, I can’t blame the LTTE for fighting for the Tamil people," he says. "Look at this camp and you can see. They are planning to oppress the Tamil community under the pretext of terrorism. All our efforts have been brought to zero."
Page 2 of 2
Thanks TamilNet
http://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=13&artid=29447
Tamil civilian reported missing in Colombo[TamilNet, Monday, 25 May 2009, 09:34 GMT]
A Tamil civilian residing in Kottawa in Colombo has gone missing since 19 May according to the complaint lodged with the police by his sister. The person reported missing is N. Mohanathas, 46, a resident of Koayil Rod in Kottawa.He had gone missing after he came out of his house in the morning to dispose garbage on the day he went missing.Complaint has also been made to Human Rights Commission and other civil rights organizations.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8065594.stm
Agony in Sri Lanka's refugee camp
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon spent Saturday in Sri Lanka pressing for political reconciliation and full humanitarian access for displaced people in camps, following Colombo's declaration of victory over Tamil Tigers rebels.
The BBC's UN correspondent Laura Trevelyan was travelling with Mr Ban and sent this report.
Menik Farm camp houses some 200,000 people
The Menik Farm camp in northern Sri Lanka has a distinctly military air for a place which is housing more than 200,000 people displaced by the fighting.
There is barbed wire everywhere, and camouflage-clad soldiers who are not at all keen on journalists speaking to those inside the camp.
As Mr Ban arrived amid a cloud of dust generated by his helicopter to see for himself the conditions in which people are living, there was an official welcome. Next came a presentation by Sri Lankan officials, about how well run the camp is.
Screening
Yet there is clearly overcrowding here. Greson Brando, from the UN's office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, explained that on one plot of land more than 74,000 people were living in a space designed for half that number.
It was a very sobering visit, very sad and very moving
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
How Sri Lanka's military won
Humanitarian challenge
Winning the peace
Eyewitness: Treating the Tigers
Mr Ban came to press the Sri Lankan government to allow the UN and aid agencies full humanitarian access to the camps and to call for those inside to have freedom of movement.
The Sri Lankan government will not let the mostly Tamil people here leave yet.
They are screening them to make sure they are not a security risk (i.e. Tamil Tigers who might begin to fight again).
The UN says people must be allowed to reunite with their families. Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama told me the screening process is on course and when it is over the resettlement will begin.
What about allowing agencies full access to people here, I asked Mr Bogollagama.
"You can see how much humanitarian access people are enjoying," answered. "People here were denied their basic human rights by the LTTE [Tamil Tigers]."
Malnourished patients
Mr Ban was serenaded by well turned out children waving Sri Lankan flags. The camp floor was neatly swept, there were flowers in the gardens. A huge sign welcomed Mr Ban "to our motherland".
Some of the patients in a makeshift hospital were clearly malnourished
Yet there was no disguising the agony here.
Women spoke of walking through water to escape the fighting, being shelled from both sides, by the government and the Tamil Tigers.
In a makeshift hospital Mr Ban saw elderly, malnourished patients lying on cot beds in the open air, drips attached, flies buzzing round their heads. A few looked close to death.
Mr Ban was clearly moved by what he saw, describing himself as saddened and humbled.
He praised the Sri Lankan government for the help it is providing, while saying it lacked capacity - diplomatic code that more can be done.
'Vision of hell'
From the camp we were off by helicopter once again - this time to see the conflict zone itself - by Mullaitivu.
Mr Ban was flown over the area where the rebels made their last stand
We were the first international journalists to see the scene of the final days of the fighting.
The tiny spit of land in north-eastern Sri Lanka could be a beach paradise. Instead it is like a vision of hell.
Houses have been destroyed, buses blown up, palm trees devastated, and there are craters in the beach. On the sand I saw row after row of tents.
People lived in these cramped conditions, allegedly used by the Tamil Tigers as a human shield while the Sri Lankan military closed in.
Mr Ban did not land and look around the conflict zone. As a guest of the Sri Lankan authorities, he was well aware of the risk of being used by the government to portray international support for their military victory.
So he flew over instead, looking from the safety of the sky.
Joint statement
From there, Mr Ban went on to meet President Rajapaksa. UN officials were hoping to underline with him the importance of winning the peace as well as the war, by reaching out to Tamils and giving them rights in a comprehensive political settlement.
"If issues of reconciliation and social inclusion are not dealt with, history could repeat itself," warned Mr Ban.
The two men issued a joint statement after their meeting.
On the situation in the camps, the statement said the government would continue to provide access to humanitarian agencies, which did not acknowledge that it was not quite doing that.
President Rajapaksa says he will begin talks with all parties - including the Tamils - to bring about lasting peace.
Mr Ban in his dogged way has prodded the Sri Lankan government to address the concerns about the camps and work for reconciliation. The test of his influence is whether anything here changes.
Monday, May 25, 2009
Sunday, May 24, 2009
srilanka,tamils
Rumors the Sri Lankan military used chemical weapons
Submitted by admin on Wednesday, 8 April 2009No CommentThere have been rumors going around that the Sri Lankan military used chemical weapons yesterday in its battle against the LTTE. We do not have proof one way or the other, but two odd points cast doubts on the government. For the first time ever, pictures of the dead LTTE bodies have unusual burn wounds and skin peeling off in many places. In the past the bodies have never had such wounds. Secondly, the Sri Lankan military has blurred out parts of the dead fighters’ bodies, most commonly the face (but many faces are also left unblured, so they are not trying to hide the person’s identity).
There are no signs of blood in the blured out area, so the only logical conclusion is that they want to hide the oddly peeled and burnt skin, which would be most visible on the exposed face. Below are a few examples of these wounds:
In the photo above, why is his chest blurred out? There is no sign of a bullet wound, but you can see a rash or burn around his neck and the blurred area, plus his skin is peeling off on many places.
Why did the Sri Lankan government blur out the faces in the top row, but not the faces below:
What are they trying to hide by blurring out the faces? There are no signs of bullet wounds there, and they obviously aren’t hiding their identity, because other faces are being shown. It is possible they are trying to cover up signs of peeling and burnt skin, which would be most visible on the exposed faces.
Submitted by admin on Wednesday, 8 April 2009No CommentThere have been rumors going around that the Sri Lankan military used chemical weapons yesterday in its battle against the LTTE. We do not have proof one way or the other, but two odd points cast doubts on the government. For the first time ever, pictures of the dead LTTE bodies have unusual burn wounds and skin peeling off in many places. In the past the bodies have never had such wounds. Secondly, the Sri Lankan military has blurred out parts of the dead fighters’ bodies, most commonly the face (but many faces are also left unblured, so they are not trying to hide the person’s identity).
There are no signs of blood in the blured out area, so the only logical conclusion is that they want to hide the oddly peeled and burnt skin, which would be most visible on the exposed face. Below are a few examples of these wounds:
In the photo above, why is his chest blurred out? There is no sign of a bullet wound, but you can see a rash or burn around his neck and the blurred area, plus his skin is peeling off on many places.
Why did the Sri Lankan government blur out the faces in the top row, but not the faces below:
What are they trying to hide by blurring out the faces? There are no signs of bullet wounds there, and they obviously aren’t hiding their identity, because other faces are being shown. It is possible they are trying to cover up signs of peeling and burnt skin, which would be most visible on the exposed faces.
THANKS2EELAMSUN.COM
Saturday, March 14, 2009
Tamils In Lanka Jews Under Nazis?
A former US diplomat makes serious charges of genocide against Lankan officials, which could go all the way to US courts, reports PC VINOJ KUMAR
THE SRI LANKAN government is claiming an all-out victory in its recent campaign against the insurgent Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Even as the United Nations voiced concern over the increasing number of civilian Tamil casualties in the war between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan army, pressure is building on the nation’s hardline Sinhala leadership over its allegedly genocidal acts against the Tamil minority. Former US Deputy Associate Attorney General Bruce Fein has compiled evidence he believes is sufficient to prosecute Sri Lankan Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and army chief Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka under the United States Genocide Accountability Act. Gotabaya, brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, is a US citizen and Fonseka is a US Green Card holder.
Fein, associated with a US-based group, Tamils Against Genocide, was on a private visit to Chennai last week. Speaking to TEHELKA, Fein says he has prepared a 1,000-page model indictment against Gotabaya and Fonseka for submission to the US Department of Justice. “Since Gotabaya and Fonseka assumed office (in 2005), there have been virtually one to three extra-judicial killings daily in Sri Lanka,” states Fein. These, he clarifies, do not include LTTE casualties. “My work has nothing to do with the LTTE,” Fein says.
THE CHARGES
‘The national identity cards help identify Tamils easily, so the government knows whom to kill’
‘People are abducted in mysterious white vans, with no license plates. They are never heard of again’
‘The government has complete authority over the perpetrators of genocide: army, police, thugs, army deserters’
The model document, if accepted in the US would make Gotabaya the first US citizen to be tried for genocide
Comparing the present conditions of Tamils in Sri Lanka to the sufferings of the Jews under the Nazis and of the blacks during the apartheid era in South Africa, Fein says: “The national identity cards given to the Tamils are almost like the Star of David badges the Jews had to wear during the Nazi era.” He alleges that the cards are meant to identify Tamils easily so the government knows “whom to kill”.
Conditions have allegedly worsened over the last three years. People are abducted in “mysterious white vans” that have no license plates, Fein says. The abducted are never heard of again and are counted among the thousands of ‘disappeared’ persons. The genocidal intent of the Rajapaksa regime can be established through its various discriminatory policies against the Tamils. “The government has been creating conditions intended to promote their physical destruction,” claims Fein, arguing that many Rajapaksa policies constitute genocidal acts under US law. The blockade on transporting essential commodities to Tamil areas is one example, Fein says, for the starvation it has caused to the north Lankan civilian population.
GOTABAYA RETIRED from the Sri Lankan army in 1992, having served in it for 20 years. He then moved to the US and worked as a computer systems administrator at the Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. He returned to Sri Lanka in 2005 to assist Rajapaksa during his presidential campaign. Ever since his brother became President, Gotabaya has been part of his core group and is urging Rajapaksa to pursue a military solution to the 25- year-old ethnic conflict.
Sri Lanka’s Tamils have suffered repression at the hands of the Sinhalese since the 1940s. Soon after achieving independence from British colonialism in 1948, the Lankan government passed the Citizenship Act by which about a million Tamils lost their citizenship and voting rights. Later, Sinhala was made the country’s only official language, placing Tamils at a disadvantage, particularly for government jobs. Moderate Tamil politicians failed to impact the government to change its policies. Finally, in the 1970s, Tamil youths took to an armed struggle.
In 2002, Rajapaksa’s predecessor, Ranil Wickremasinghe, entered into a ceasefire agreement with the LTTE. Rajapaksa withdrew from the ceasefire in January 2008. Since then, the country has been plunged into bloodshed.
Accuser Bruce Fein is concerned about the systemic violence against the Tamils under Rajapaksa
Photo: PRABHU K
In his model indictment document, Fein seeks to establish the motivational context and the processes of the genocide under the Rajapaksa regime. Detailing the charges against Gotabaya and Fonseka, the document notes that “the alleged acts or omissions were committed with specific intent to destroy, in whole or in substantial part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group as such, under the pretext of counter-insurgency warfare”. The document describes the victims of the alleged genocide as “Hindu-Christian Northeast Sri Lankan Tamils (HCNSLTs)”. Different forms of genocidal tactics against the HCNSLT have been recorded, among them large-scale abduction, indiscriminate aerial bombardment, artillery shell attacks and systematic deprivation of essential foods, and medicines.
The army’s powers to enforce ad hoc restrictions on “who and what goods can and cannot pass” over arterial roads to reach the HCNSLTs, media censorship on the happenings in Tamil areas, and the ban on petrol are part of Fein’s genocide charges against Fonseka and Gotabaya.
Tamils face “complex bureaucratic procedure” to travel abroad or within the country, especially in government-controlled Jaffna peninsula. “The process takes two to three months, whereby the application may be rejected. The army or government-sponsored paramilitaries are known to have murdered the applicants, the majority of whom were male.”
Fein’s priority now is to satisfy the US Department of Justice that a prima facie case has been made out and get the US Government’s support for forming a grand jury to prosecute Gotabaya and Fonseka. “I hope to have a grand jury set up in about three to four months time,” he says. If the jury indicts the accused, then the stage would be set for bringing Fonseka and Gotabaya to stand trial in the US.
Meanwhile, the situation of journalists in Sri Lanka is turning worse. Media sources in Colombo said at least 10 Sri Lankan journalists have fled the country. Senior journalist Lasantha Wikramatunga was assassinated by unknown persons in Colombo earlier this month — government hit-men are suspected. Senior Sinhalese journalist Sunanda Deshapriya has taken refuge in Chennai, where media persons have formed a forum called Journalists Against War to protest the violence on the Press under the Rajapaksa regime in Sri Lanka.
WRITER’S EMAIL
vinoj@tehelka.com
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 5, Dated Feb 07, 2009
THE SRI LANKAN government is claiming an all-out victory in its recent campaign against the insurgent Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Even as the United Nations voiced concern over the increasing number of civilian Tamil casualties in the war between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan army, pressure is building on the nation’s hardline Sinhala leadership over its allegedly genocidal acts against the Tamil minority. Former US Deputy Associate Attorney General Bruce Fein has compiled evidence he believes is sufficient to prosecute Sri Lankan Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and army chief Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka under the United States Genocide Accountability Act. Gotabaya, brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, is a US citizen and Fonseka is a US Green Card holder.
Fein, associated with a US-based group, Tamils Against Genocide, was on a private visit to Chennai last week. Speaking to TEHELKA, Fein says he has prepared a 1,000-page model indictment against Gotabaya and Fonseka for submission to the US Department of Justice. “Since Gotabaya and Fonseka assumed office (in 2005), there have been virtually one to three extra-judicial killings daily in Sri Lanka,” states Fein. These, he clarifies, do not include LTTE casualties. “My work has nothing to do with the LTTE,” Fein says.
THE CHARGES
‘The national identity cards help identify Tamils easily, so the government knows whom to kill’
‘People are abducted in mysterious white vans, with no license plates. They are never heard of again’
‘The government has complete authority over the perpetrators of genocide: army, police, thugs, army deserters’
The model document, if accepted in the US would make Gotabaya the first US citizen to be tried for genocide
Comparing the present conditions of Tamils in Sri Lanka to the sufferings of the Jews under the Nazis and of the blacks during the apartheid era in South Africa, Fein says: “The national identity cards given to the Tamils are almost like the Star of David badges the Jews had to wear during the Nazi era.” He alleges that the cards are meant to identify Tamils easily so the government knows “whom to kill”.
Conditions have allegedly worsened over the last three years. People are abducted in “mysterious white vans” that have no license plates, Fein says. The abducted are never heard of again and are counted among the thousands of ‘disappeared’ persons. The genocidal intent of the Rajapaksa regime can be established through its various discriminatory policies against the Tamils. “The government has been creating conditions intended to promote their physical destruction,” claims Fein, arguing that many Rajapaksa policies constitute genocidal acts under US law. The blockade on transporting essential commodities to Tamil areas is one example, Fein says, for the starvation it has caused to the north Lankan civilian population.
GOTABAYA RETIRED from the Sri Lankan army in 1992, having served in it for 20 years. He then moved to the US and worked as a computer systems administrator at the Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. He returned to Sri Lanka in 2005 to assist Rajapaksa during his presidential campaign. Ever since his brother became President, Gotabaya has been part of his core group and is urging Rajapaksa to pursue a military solution to the 25- year-old ethnic conflict.
Sri Lanka’s Tamils have suffered repression at the hands of the Sinhalese since the 1940s. Soon after achieving independence from British colonialism in 1948, the Lankan government passed the Citizenship Act by which about a million Tamils lost their citizenship and voting rights. Later, Sinhala was made the country’s only official language, placing Tamils at a disadvantage, particularly for government jobs. Moderate Tamil politicians failed to impact the government to change its policies. Finally, in the 1970s, Tamil youths took to an armed struggle.
In 2002, Rajapaksa’s predecessor, Ranil Wickremasinghe, entered into a ceasefire agreement with the LTTE. Rajapaksa withdrew from the ceasefire in January 2008. Since then, the country has been plunged into bloodshed.
Accuser Bruce Fein is concerned about the systemic violence against the Tamils under Rajapaksa
Photo: PRABHU K
In his model indictment document, Fein seeks to establish the motivational context and the processes of the genocide under the Rajapaksa regime. Detailing the charges against Gotabaya and Fonseka, the document notes that “the alleged acts or omissions were committed with specific intent to destroy, in whole or in substantial part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group as such, under the pretext of counter-insurgency warfare”. The document describes the victims of the alleged genocide as “Hindu-Christian Northeast Sri Lankan Tamils (HCNSLTs)”. Different forms of genocidal tactics against the HCNSLT have been recorded, among them large-scale abduction, indiscriminate aerial bombardment, artillery shell attacks and systematic deprivation of essential foods, and medicines.
The army’s powers to enforce ad hoc restrictions on “who and what goods can and cannot pass” over arterial roads to reach the HCNSLTs, media censorship on the happenings in Tamil areas, and the ban on petrol are part of Fein’s genocide charges against Fonseka and Gotabaya.
Tamils face “complex bureaucratic procedure” to travel abroad or within the country, especially in government-controlled Jaffna peninsula. “The process takes two to three months, whereby the application may be rejected. The army or government-sponsored paramilitaries are known to have murdered the applicants, the majority of whom were male.”
Fein’s priority now is to satisfy the US Department of Justice that a prima facie case has been made out and get the US Government’s support for forming a grand jury to prosecute Gotabaya and Fonseka. “I hope to have a grand jury set up in about three to four months time,” he says. If the jury indicts the accused, then the stage would be set for bringing Fonseka and Gotabaya to stand trial in the US.
Meanwhile, the situation of journalists in Sri Lanka is turning worse. Media sources in Colombo said at least 10 Sri Lankan journalists have fled the country. Senior journalist Lasantha Wikramatunga was assassinated by unknown persons in Colombo earlier this month — government hit-men are suspected. Senior Sinhalese journalist Sunanda Deshapriya has taken refuge in Chennai, where media persons have formed a forum called Journalists Against War to protest the violence on the Press under the Rajapaksa regime in Sri Lanka.
WRITER’S EMAIL
vinoj@tehelka.com
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 5, Dated Feb 07, 2009
Saturday, January 31, 2009
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/De-reservation_of_SCST_jobs_ends/articleshow/3575613.cms
NEW DELHI: After resisting reservation in faculty for more than a year, IITs are likely to be exempted from it.
At the meeting of Council of IITs on Wednesday, IIT directors were informed that the `SCs and STs (Reservation in Posts and Services) Bill, 2008' had been passed in Lok Sabha and was awaiting the upper House's nod.
The legislation exempts 47 institutions, including IITs/IIMs and other institutes of excellence, from giving reservation in faculty.
While the directors are yet to examine this bill, IIT-Delhi director Surendra Prasad said it "reduces our concern quite a bit".
Last year, the HRD ministry had sent out a circular to all IITs asking them to implement reservation in faculty appointments, following which the directors took up the matter with the Prime Minister's Office.
Five years ago, at a meeting of the last council, members had altered the faculty to student ratio in tech colleges to 1:10. On Wednesday, directors suggested that the council revert to the old ratio of 1:9 to ensure academic excellence. While it may seem like a very small difference, a director said, "It does matter in various ways. It is something we want to strive for."
In the council meeting held after five years, HRD ministry dusted off a 1974 resolution of Council of IITs to justify appointing directors in the last five years without seeking the panel's approval.
The council said the 1974 resolution had empowered the panel's chairman, i.e. HRD minister, to make appointments on behalf of the council. Strangely, the IIT directors whose appointments were ratified were also part of the ratification process on Wednesday. In the process, the council had to ratify appointment of someone like Ashok Misra, former director of IIT-Bombay, who was appointed in 2005 and resigned last year.
Using the opportunity of the council meeting, appointment of directors in new IITs was also approved. Subject to presidential clearance, those appointed include U B Desai, IIT-Hyderabad; M K Surappa, IIT-Ropar; Sudhir Kumar Jain, IIT-Gandhinagar; Prem Kumar Kalra, IIT-Rajasthan; Madhusudan Chakraborty, IIT-Bhubaneswar and Anil K Bhowmick, IIT-Patna. However, the issue of setting up IIT in J&K didn't come up.
The meeting was held after five years and in the backdrop of Madras High Court terming the appointment of M S Ananth as director of IIT-Madras illegal.
The council also discussed dropouts in IITs. In three years (2005-08), in IIT-Delhi, 19 general, 21 SCs and five ST students have dropped out. In IIT-Madras, there were no dropouts. In IIT-Bombay, 27 general, 30 SCs and 13 ST students dropped out. In IIT-Kanpur, 14 general, 21 SCs and six ST students had to leave. In IIT-Kharagpur, two general and nine SC students dropped out.
The council decided that some sort of parity would have to be established to ensure that one IIT is not tougher than another. As of now, every IIT has different norms on which students are asked to leave or continue. "The directors have been asked to work out a common model that can be followed in all IITs," said a director.
Known to be against accreditation of their courses by National Bureau of Accreditation so that India gets full membership of Washington Accord, IIT directors have devised another method. A director said, "IIT Council will come up with a process that will be followed for accrediting their courses and suggest the same to the NBA."
There was a lot of discussion on converting IT-BHU into a fully fledged IIT but no decision was taken. "IT-BHU is an important part of the BHU system. There was discussion on how to empower IT-BHU without taking it out of the BHU system. But there is no clarity on that front yet," an official said.
At the meeting of Council of IITs on Wednesday, IIT directors were informed that the `SCs and STs (Reservation in Posts and Services) Bill, 2008' had been passed in Lok Sabha and was awaiting the upper House's nod.
The legislation exempts 47 institutions, including IITs/IIMs and other institutes of excellence, from giving reservation in faculty.
While the directors are yet to examine this bill, IIT-Delhi director Surendra Prasad said it "reduces our concern quite a bit".
Last year, the HRD ministry had sent out a circular to all IITs asking them to implement reservation in faculty appointments, following which the directors took up the matter with the Prime Minister's Office.
Five years ago, at a meeting of the last council, members had altered the faculty to student ratio in tech colleges to 1:10. On Wednesday, directors suggested that the council revert to the old ratio of 1:9 to ensure academic excellence. While it may seem like a very small difference, a director said, "It does matter in various ways. It is something we want to strive for."
In the council meeting held after five years, HRD ministry dusted off a 1974 resolution of Council of IITs to justify appointing directors in the last five years without seeking the panel's approval.
The council said the 1974 resolution had empowered the panel's chairman, i.e. HRD minister, to make appointments on behalf of the council. Strangely, the IIT directors whose appointments were ratified were also part of the ratification process on Wednesday. In the process, the council had to ratify appointment of someone like Ashok Misra, former director of IIT-Bombay, who was appointed in 2005 and resigned last year.
Using the opportunity of the council meeting, appointment of directors in new IITs was also approved. Subject to presidential clearance, those appointed include U B Desai, IIT-Hyderabad; M K Surappa, IIT-Ropar; Sudhir Kumar Jain, IIT-Gandhinagar; Prem Kumar Kalra, IIT-Rajasthan; Madhusudan Chakraborty, IIT-Bhubaneswar and Anil K Bhowmick, IIT-Patna. However, the issue of setting up IIT in J&K didn't come up.
The meeting was held after five years and in the backdrop of Madras High Court terming the appointment of M S Ananth as director of IIT-Madras illegal.
The council also discussed dropouts in IITs. In three years (2005-08), in IIT-Delhi, 19 general, 21 SCs and five ST students have dropped out. In IIT-Madras, there were no dropouts. In IIT-Bombay, 27 general, 30 SCs and 13 ST students dropped out. In IIT-Kanpur, 14 general, 21 SCs and six ST students had to leave. In IIT-Kharagpur, two general and nine SC students dropped out.
The council decided that some sort of parity would have to be established to ensure that one IIT is not tougher than another. As of now, every IIT has different norms on which students are asked to leave or continue. "The directors have been asked to work out a common model that can be followed in all IITs," said a director.
Known to be against accreditation of their courses by National Bureau of Accreditation so that India gets full membership of Washington Accord, IIT directors have devised another method. A director said, "IIT Council will come up with a process that will be followed for accrediting their courses and suggest the same to the NBA."
There was a lot of discussion on converting IT-BHU into a fully fledged IIT but no decision was taken. "IT-BHU is an important part of the BHU system. There was discussion on how to empower IT-BHU without taking it out of the BHU system. But there is no clarity on that front yet," an official said.
De-reservation of SC/ST jobs ends
De-reservation of SC/ST jobs ends
9 Oct 2008, 0234 hrs IST
NEW DELHI: In a bid to discourage undermining of quotas for the underprivileged, the Cabinet on Wednesday decided to end de-reservation of posts
meant for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in central government jobs.
At a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the Cabinet approved enactment of a law to enforce job reservation for SCs/STs by stipulating penalties on offices which did not implement them effectively. Finance minister P Chidambaram said the Cabinet approved the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Reservation in Posts and Services) Bill 2008. ''Posts reserved for SCs and STs will not be de-reserved and they (vacancies) will be carried over,'' he said, adding that the proposed bill would contain provisions for penalties on offices which did not implement the job quota.
Chidambaram said the proposed legislation would contain provisions to impart training to SCs and STs to enable them to compete for jobs. The bill also proposed that those candidates who qualify on merit would not be considered under the quota, he said. ''The proposed law will create an unambiguous, coherent and authentic framework for implementing reservation for SCs and STs in central government services,'' Chidambaram said.
The proposed law would bring in ''interpretative clarity about various facets of the policy on reservation in central government jobs and infuse greater confidence in the minds of the SCs and STs,'' he added.
9 Oct 2008, 0234 hrs IST
NEW DELHI: In a bid to discourage undermining of quotas for the underprivileged, the Cabinet on Wednesday decided to end de-reservation of posts
meant for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in central government jobs.
At a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the Cabinet approved enactment of a law to enforce job reservation for SCs/STs by stipulating penalties on offices which did not implement them effectively. Finance minister P Chidambaram said the Cabinet approved the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Reservation in Posts and Services) Bill 2008. ''Posts reserved for SCs and STs will not be de-reserved and they (vacancies) will be carried over,'' he said, adding that the proposed bill would contain provisions for penalties on offices which did not implement the job quota.
Chidambaram said the proposed legislation would contain provisions to impart training to SCs and STs to enable them to compete for jobs. The bill also proposed that those candidates who qualify on merit would not be considered under the quota, he said. ''The proposed law will create an unambiguous, coherent and authentic framework for implementing reservation for SCs and STs in central government services,'' Chidambaram said.
The proposed law would bring in ''interpretative clarity about various facets of the policy on reservation in central government jobs and infuse greater confidence in the minds of the SCs and STs,'' he added.
Sunday, November 23, 2008
The Facts behind the Incidents of violence at Chennai
Dear Friends,
This is a fact finding report into the current caste conflict in Chennai. The purpose is to muster quick support to the Dalit students involved because they are just feeling helpless. If any of you (including organizations) wish to come forward, you may contact me. My contact is +91 9820216146.
- Anand Teltumbde
The Facts behind the Incidents of violence at Chennai
Dr. Ambedkar Law College.
The incident of violence on 12.11.2008 at Dr.Ambedkar Law College has shaken the conscience of every body. This incident surely needs to be condemned. The reason behind the submission of details herein is to bring out the facts behind the incidents of violence at a law college that we all believe is to produce future judges and socially conscious lawyer.
That clashes take place in the law college is not a new phenomena. We are shaken thoroughly to know the details of the brewing tension over the past four years that has broken out violently today. “Thevar Peravai” that functions with its headquarters at Chennai has been concentrating, specifically targeting the Thevar community students from the southern districts of Tamilnadu. It functions primarily in whipping up the passions and utilizes them for their vested parochial goals. With these students a casteist organization named ‘ Mukkulothor Student’s Federation” has already been formed. The main objective of this organization is to target and attack the Dalits. And they also raise queries like while all other 4 govt. law colleges are named as Govt.law college, why should the Chennai law college be named after Dr.Ambedkar and called Dr.Ambedkar law college. Since Dr.Ambedkar is a Dalit this name should be changed. This is their contention for their past 4 years. They do not use Ambedkar’s name in any of their advertisement and mention it only as ‘Chennai Law College’.
Such activities has raised unnecessary discomfiture amonsgtthe dalit students and raised a sense of hatred between the communities. In all these issues Bharathi Kannan, belonging to Mukkulathor Student Federation is the prime culprit. In the recent past,( in 6 months duration) Bharathi Kannan was waiting with five of his friends with swords in hand prowling to kill atleast tow Dalit boys. Police came to know of this and arrested him red handed with 3 long swords in their possession. But they were released without any complaints been filed against them. Though the college authorities were in the know of his activities it did not make any efforts to curb him. In the same manner he with his friends went and attacked the students of Dr.Ambedkar Law college residing in hostel at Millers road, Kilpauk. The Principal did not take any action. At least there are 17 cases including attempt to murder, pending on Bharathi Kannan.
In this circumstance on ‘30th October’ during the Thevar Jayanthi the passion were whipped up. The poster prepared by Mukkulothor Students Federation expressed the re assertion of its casteist hierarchy, with usages avoiding Dr. Ambedkar’s name. Also they teased the Dalit students on that day. The Dalits who questioned this were beaten up and with the law college students having exams from 3 rd of November, Mukkulothor Students Federation declared that any Dalit entering the college would be thrashed and killed. They were roaming around in the college complex with logs, iron rod, dagger and swords. Dalit boys could not enter the hall. Some Dalit boys came sneaking through and wrote the exams. Police or college authority did not take any action even though they were in the know of things.
Only on such a condition they came on 12.11.2008with logs, sticks etc for self protection. College authorities insisted that the students should avoid precipitating the issue. The Dalit students retorted stating that when the college authorities did not take any action when they were being prevented from attending exams, and they had come there for giving protection for Dalits and not attacking the Mukkulathor. Since some Dalit students have come for exams and Mukkulathors have identified and planned to attack them, they came for their defence. In such a situation Bharathikannan, Arumugam and Ayyadurai with daggers 2 ft. long, jumped in shouting that they shall kill at least 5 or so and moved towards the Dalit students. The Dalit students ran helter- shelter for their safety. When Bharathi Kannan and Arumugam ran and caught hold of Chithraiselvan, a Dalit student and tried to stab him down through the head. When he turned and saved his head his ears were torn off by the dagger. Other students joined in to save Chithrai Selvan and hit Bharathi kannan and Arumugam.
The sole responsibility for this callous approach rests entirely with the college authorities. For the last 4years when in the name of celebrating Thevar Jayanthi, efforts to assert caste hierarchy were being made, specifically failing to address Dr.Ambedkar Law college as such and naming it only as Chennai law college, threatening of the Dalit students, issuing threat to life for those Dalit students who opposed bringing caste conflict into the campus etc were brought to the notice of the college authorities no action was taken. Especially, for the last three days when it was brought to their notice of the magnitude and massive proportion of the brewing trouble, police or the college authorities made no action was taken to prevent the same.
In this situation Bharathi Kannan came in with daggers in hand to attack Dalit students. If the college authorities had acted in time this incident of violence could have been prevented.
Our demands:
1) Take appropriate action on the Principal for failing to take necessary action in time to prevent the brewing violence.
2) College authorities should initiate necessary action to prevent the casteist organizations that function from within the campus triggering violence.
3) Give due protection to all the students especially the Dalit students.
4) Take necessary action on those behind the incidents of violence, the organization, Thevar Peravai for fomenting casteist feelings.
5) Take appropriate action on the police authorities that failed to prevent the students who prowled inside the college campus for the past one week with weapons.
This is a fact finding report into the current caste conflict in Chennai. The purpose is to muster quick support to the Dalit students involved because they are just feeling helpless. If any of you (including organizations) wish to come forward, you may contact me. My contact is +91 9820216146.
- Anand Teltumbde
The Facts behind the Incidents of violence at Chennai
Dr. Ambedkar Law College.
The incident of violence on 12.11.2008 at Dr.Ambedkar Law College has shaken the conscience of every body. This incident surely needs to be condemned. The reason behind the submission of details herein is to bring out the facts behind the incidents of violence at a law college that we all believe is to produce future judges and socially conscious lawyer.
That clashes take place in the law college is not a new phenomena. We are shaken thoroughly to know the details of the brewing tension over the past four years that has broken out violently today. “Thevar Peravai” that functions with its headquarters at Chennai has been concentrating, specifically targeting the Thevar community students from the southern districts of Tamilnadu. It functions primarily in whipping up the passions and utilizes them for their vested parochial goals. With these students a casteist organization named ‘ Mukkulothor Student’s Federation” has already been formed. The main objective of this organization is to target and attack the Dalits. And they also raise queries like while all other 4 govt. law colleges are named as Govt.law college, why should the Chennai law college be named after Dr.Ambedkar and called Dr.Ambedkar law college. Since Dr.Ambedkar is a Dalit this name should be changed. This is their contention for their past 4 years. They do not use Ambedkar’s name in any of their advertisement and mention it only as ‘Chennai Law College’.
Such activities has raised unnecessary discomfiture amonsgtthe dalit students and raised a sense of hatred between the communities. In all these issues Bharathi Kannan, belonging to Mukkulathor Student Federation is the prime culprit. In the recent past,( in 6 months duration) Bharathi Kannan was waiting with five of his friends with swords in hand prowling to kill atleast tow Dalit boys. Police came to know of this and arrested him red handed with 3 long swords in their possession. But they were released without any complaints been filed against them. Though the college authorities were in the know of his activities it did not make any efforts to curb him. In the same manner he with his friends went and attacked the students of Dr.Ambedkar Law college residing in hostel at Millers road, Kilpauk. The Principal did not take any action. At least there are 17 cases including attempt to murder, pending on Bharathi Kannan.
In this circumstance on ‘30th October’ during the Thevar Jayanthi the passion were whipped up. The poster prepared by Mukkulothor Students Federation expressed the re assertion of its casteist hierarchy, with usages avoiding Dr. Ambedkar’s name. Also they teased the Dalit students on that day. The Dalits who questioned this were beaten up and with the law college students having exams from 3 rd of November, Mukkulothor Students Federation declared that any Dalit entering the college would be thrashed and killed. They were roaming around in the college complex with logs, iron rod, dagger and swords. Dalit boys could not enter the hall. Some Dalit boys came sneaking through and wrote the exams. Police or college authority did not take any action even though they were in the know of things.
Only on such a condition they came on 12.11.2008with logs, sticks etc for self protection. College authorities insisted that the students should avoid precipitating the issue. The Dalit students retorted stating that when the college authorities did not take any action when they were being prevented from attending exams, and they had come there for giving protection for Dalits and not attacking the Mukkulathor. Since some Dalit students have come for exams and Mukkulathors have identified and planned to attack them, they came for their defence. In such a situation Bharathikannan, Arumugam and Ayyadurai with daggers 2 ft. long, jumped in shouting that they shall kill at least 5 or so and moved towards the Dalit students. The Dalit students ran helter- shelter for their safety. When Bharathi Kannan and Arumugam ran and caught hold of Chithraiselvan, a Dalit student and tried to stab him down through the head. When he turned and saved his head his ears were torn off by the dagger. Other students joined in to save Chithrai Selvan and hit Bharathi kannan and Arumugam.
The sole responsibility for this callous approach rests entirely with the college authorities. For the last 4years when in the name of celebrating Thevar Jayanthi, efforts to assert caste hierarchy were being made, specifically failing to address Dr.Ambedkar Law college as such and naming it only as Chennai law college, threatening of the Dalit students, issuing threat to life for those Dalit students who opposed bringing caste conflict into the campus etc were brought to the notice of the college authorities no action was taken. Especially, for the last three days when it was brought to their notice of the magnitude and massive proportion of the brewing trouble, police or the college authorities made no action was taken to prevent the same.
In this situation Bharathi Kannan came in with daggers in hand to attack Dalit students. If the college authorities had acted in time this incident of violence could have been prevented.
Our demands:
1) Take appropriate action on the Principal for failing to take necessary action in time to prevent the brewing violence.
2) College authorities should initiate necessary action to prevent the casteist organizations that function from within the campus triggering violence.
3) Give due protection to all the students especially the Dalit students.
4) Take necessary action on those behind the incidents of violence, the organization, Thevar Peravai for fomenting casteist feelings.
5) Take appropriate action on the police authorities that failed to prevent the students who prowled inside the college campus for the past one week with weapons.
Thursday, June 26, 2008
How an interview with Gandhi was spiked
How an interview with Gandhi was spiked
The Asian Age India | H.Y. Sharada Prasad
Can you imagine a newspaper choosing not to publish an interview with Mahatma Gandhi, although it was an exclusive one obtained by a member on its staff? Yet that is what the Times of India did in 1945.
The Times must have had many reasons for deciding to spike the story. First of all, the report did not have anything that was politically important, anything that would yield an eye-catching headline. What it contained was only a reiteration of Gandhi's known views on certain social practices. There was in fact no scarcity value about Gandhi stories. He gave too many interviews and spoke too often on everything under the sun, the old bore.
Bennett Coleman, the publishers of the Times of India, were in business to serve the cause of the Empire, and Sir Francis Low had not gone native like Arthur Moore of Calcutta's Statesman. Furthermore, the reporter who had secured the interview had done it off his own bat and not on behalf of the paper, nor with the consent of his editorial seniors. Anyway he was too callow and inexperienced to be chosen by the office for the assignment.
The name of the young reporter who had interviewed Mahatma Gandhi on his own initiative was K.R. Narayanan. There would have been no soothsayer either in the newspaper or in the country at that time who would have predicted that this slight and rather diffident-looking 24-year-old would one day be the elected President of the Indian republic.
Even Narayanan's being on the staff of the Times of India was a chance occurrence. Son of a barefoot country doctor from a socially discriminated-against caste in Kerala, Narayanan had an unquenchable hunger for knowledge and had gone to college with the help of scholarships he had won. After getting his degree he taught in a tutorial shop and worked on an economics journal in Delhi for a few months. On an impulse, he shot off a letter to J.R.D. Tata seeking a Tata fellowship to study in the London School of Economics. It clicked. He could not believe it when he was asked to be in Bombay within a week to catch the boat sailing for England.
When Narayanan presented himself in the Tatas' office just a day before the date of departure, a further surprise awaited him. The secretary of the Tata foundation had one look at the flimsy cotton clothes he wore and told him he would die of cold. She decided to fit him out in a couple of woollen suits, but they could evidently not be stitched in the half-a-day left. The next boat would leave six months hence, but the same Tata executive again acted as the good angel by persuading the Times of India to hire Narayanan as a cub reporter during the interregnum.
It is then that he interviewed Gandhi. He was given an appointment on a Monday, the Mahatma's day of silence in the week. It turned out to be an advantage. Narayanan wrote down his questions to which Gandhi scribbled his answers in his own hand. The interview remains one of Narayanan's cherished possessions.
Although not published by the Times of India at that time, the full text of the interview is to be found in Volume 86 of The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. It is also included in a biography of the former President, written by Alaka Shankar and published by the Children's Book Trust. The interview reveals the dilemmas troubling a young man from a socially persecuted background.
Q: Do you still hold that the Harijan problem is only religious and social and that it has no great political significance?
A: It has political significance but indirectly.
Q: The Congress as an organisation has not taken up the Harijan work. Will it not be better if that work is taken up by the Congress and not by the Harijan Sevak Sangh?
A: It is wrong to say that the Congress has not taken it up.
Q: But it seems that leaders like Jawaharlal and Rashtrapati are not keenly aware of the Harijan question?
A: Those two are immersed in that work.
Q: The Harijan Sevak Sangh after years of work had not yet produced even a dozen leaders from among the Harijans themselves.
A: That charge is only partly true.
Q: All great men have a passion for simplification. You have simplified the nature of human conflict as between violence and non-violence, truth and untruth, right and wrong. But in life, is not the conflict between one right and another right or between one truth and another truth? How can non-violence deal with such a situation?
A: That is a matter of application.
Q: The Hindu-Muslim question where the conflict is between the rights of the Hindus and the rights of the Muslims, what technique of non-violence can be employed to solve the problem, especially when these rights seem to be irreconcilable?
A: The awful situation can only be dealt with properly through Satyagraha.
Your questions show that you have not studied it. If I am right, Pyarelal will give you a list of books. My advice to you is that you should seriously study the literature on the subject.
Q: How can a Harijan who goes abroad best serve his country and community from abroad?
A: He cannot serve the one without serving the other. Abroad you will say it is a domestic question which you are determined to solve for yourself.
The exchange makes one feel that Narayanan's questions are earnest and pointed and that the Mahatma's answers do not provide much illumination. That was the feeling that the younger elements of the national movement often had while working with Gandhi. The Mahatma did not give all the answers. But the young realised as they grew older that he helped them and encouraged them to find their own answers.
Narayanan certainly found an answer to his dilemmas by not allowing a conflict to develop between the sectional and the national. That is what made him such a fine ambassador and representative of the Indian civilisation. That is what has made him an Ajaatashatru in our public life.
I opened this column with an instance of "Believe it or not." I shall conclude with another. While studying in the London School of Economics, Narayanan shared a room with a Mauritian who rose to be President of his country, Sir Veerasamy Ringadoo. I do not know whether there are many instances of Presidents of two different countries having been roommates at school or college. The economist, K.N. Raj, was a third roommate of theirs.
© 2005 The Asian Age
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Friday, May 2, 2008
Reclamation board for Arunthathiyars sought
No need for compartmental reservation for Dalits: PT
10 lakh vacancies set aside for SC/ST communities had not been filled up
These communities did not form even one per cent of the Class I to Class III employees
MADURAI: A reclamation board on the lines of the one for Denotified Tribes was needed for rehabilitation and liberation of Arunthathiyar castes, who lived as manual scavengers, gravediggers and cobblers, instead of having a compartmental reservation for them, said Puthiya Tamizhagam founder K. Krishnasamy.
Addressing a press conference here on Saturday, Dr. Krishnasamy called for proper implementation of the constitutionally provided existing quota of 18 per cent in the State and 22.5 per cent in Central Government for Scheduled Castes, as nearly 10 lakh vacancies set aside for (SC/ST) communities had not been filled up by the Central and State governments.
Stating that members of SC/ST communities did not form even one per cent of the Class I to Class III employees, he said that, on the other hand, at Class IV level, which included conservancy work as sweepers and scavengers, reservation was total and complete.
He also claimed that not even 6 per cent of the reserved quota was filled and only if 18 per cent was fully implemented by filling up vacancies every caste group among the SC/STs would benefit. This being the position there was no need for the State Government to go for compartmental reservation, which was a ploy to prevent the assertion of Dalits under a single banner when there was an utmost need to be united to face atrocities and crimes against untouchability.
Commenting that National Commission for Scheduled Castes was against compartmental reservation, he wanted the State Government to properly help the ‘safai karamcharis’ of the State.
http://www.thehindu.com/2008/03/17/stories/2008031752980300.htm
COURTESY THE HINDU
10 lakh vacancies set aside for SC/ST communities had not been filled up
These communities did not form even one per cent of the Class I to Class III employees
MADURAI: A reclamation board on the lines of the one for Denotified Tribes was needed for rehabilitation and liberation of Arunthathiyar castes, who lived as manual scavengers, gravediggers and cobblers, instead of having a compartmental reservation for them, said Puthiya Tamizhagam founder K. Krishnasamy.
Addressing a press conference here on Saturday, Dr. Krishnasamy called for proper implementation of the constitutionally provided existing quota of 18 per cent in the State and 22.5 per cent in Central Government for Scheduled Castes, as nearly 10 lakh vacancies set aside for (SC/ST) communities had not been filled up by the Central and State governments.
Stating that members of SC/ST communities did not form even one per cent of the Class I to Class III employees, he said that, on the other hand, at Class IV level, which included conservancy work as sweepers and scavengers, reservation was total and complete.
He also claimed that not even 6 per cent of the reserved quota was filled and only if 18 per cent was fully implemented by filling up vacancies every caste group among the SC/STs would benefit. This being the position there was no need for the State Government to go for compartmental reservation, which was a ploy to prevent the assertion of Dalits under a single banner when there was an utmost need to be united to face atrocities and crimes against untouchability.
Commenting that National Commission for Scheduled Castes was against compartmental reservation, he wanted the State Government to properly help the ‘safai karamcharis’ of the State.
http://www.thehindu.com/2008/03/17/stories/2008031752980300.htm
COURTESY THE HINDU
Compartmental reservation sought for Arunthathiyars
MADURAI: The Adi Tamilar Peravai has sought compartmental reservation for Arunthathiyar Dalits.
The Peravai, an Ambedkarite social movement working for the upliftment of Arunthathiyar community, on Monday demanded six per cent out of 18 per cent reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in employment and education.
Speaking at the sixth regional conference here, its president R. Adiyaman, said that Arunthathiyars were at the lowest rung among the Scheduled Castes and hence, the State Government should provide a reservation of 6 per cent to them on the basis of their population.
Calling for the abolition of manual scavenging, the conference wanted the Government to provide alternative means of livelihood to those people engaged in the work.
It felt that the whole of the Dalit sub-caste, referred to in different names, should be clubbed and called Arunthathiyar.
A Government Order should be passed in this regard.
The community should be relieved of the Tamil Nadu Adi Dravida Development Corporation (THADCO) loans as in the case of farmers who had taken cooperative loans.
It said that a life-size statue of freedom fighter Ondi Veeran Pagadai should be installed in Tirunelveli and a memorial for him built in Nerkattum Sevvayal.
The Peravai wanted the authorities to relocate the statue of Madurai Veeran from near the eastern tower to inside the Meenakshi Sundareswarar Temple as it was near the place where visitors left their footwear.
http://www.hindu.com/2007/10/10/stories/2007101059030300.htm
Courtesy THE HINDU
The Peravai, an Ambedkarite social movement working for the upliftment of Arunthathiyar community, on Monday demanded six per cent out of 18 per cent reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in employment and education.
Speaking at the sixth regional conference here, its president R. Adiyaman, said that Arunthathiyars were at the lowest rung among the Scheduled Castes and hence, the State Government should provide a reservation of 6 per cent to them on the basis of their population.
Calling for the abolition of manual scavenging, the conference wanted the Government to provide alternative means of livelihood to those people engaged in the work.
It felt that the whole of the Dalit sub-caste, referred to in different names, should be clubbed and called Arunthathiyar.
A Government Order should be passed in this regard.
The community should be relieved of the Tamil Nadu Adi Dravida Development Corporation (THADCO) loans as in the case of farmers who had taken cooperative loans.
It said that a life-size statue of freedom fighter Ondi Veeran Pagadai should be installed in Tirunelveli and a memorial for him built in Nerkattum Sevvayal.
The Peravai wanted the authorities to relocate the statue of Madurai Veeran from near the eastern tower to inside the Meenakshi Sundareswarar Temple as it was near the place where visitors left their footwear.
http://www.hindu.com/2007/10/10/stories/2007101059030300.htm
Courtesy THE HINDU
Suffering in silence
`ARUNTHATHIYARS' constitute one of the three major social groups among Dalits in Tamil Nadu, the other two being `Paraiyar' and `Pallar'. Although Arunthathiyars are present in almost all districts, their concentration is relatively high in the western districts of Coimbatore, Erode and Namakkal. Brought into the State five centuries ago mainly as warriors by the Nayaks from the Vijayanagar empire, a substantial number of Arunthathiyar, who speak either Telugu or Kannada, work as menial servants or as sanitary workers employed by local bodies. Most others in the community are agricultural workers.
Just like the other sections of Dalits, they are segregated and required to do odd jobs such as burying dead cattle and digging graves. Worse, Arunthathiyars, particularly women, have been compelled for centuries to do the humiliating job of removing human excreta and cleaning dry latrines, which still exist in large numbers despite a ban. Like many other laws relating to Dalits, the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993, remains on paper. Arunthathiyars often complain of ill-treatment by not only caste Hindus, but also other sections of Dalits. Arunthathiyars are thus, apparently, the worst victims of untouchability.
Even in areas where they are said to be better off (such as western Tamil Nadu), Arunthathiyars silently suffer untouchability in its myriad forms - for instance, denial of access to common water sources, public roads and temples, shops and schools. Seldom do they protest their humiliation. Even the Dalit assertion in the 1990s after the birth centenary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar apparently made little impact on their situation. Bezwada Wilson of Andhra Pradesh, who led a spirited campaign for a Central government ban on manual scavenging, said: "The pity is also that we safai karamcharis [manual scavengers] did not accept Babasaheb Ambedkar as our leader when he thundered that this occupation should not be glorified [as Gandhi did] but banned with immediate effect. Divided within ourselves, we did not use the momentum of the rest of the Dalit movements to further our cause."
Many Pallars in southern Tamil Nadu and Parayars in the northern districts have become aware of their rights and privileges, thanks to their access to education. However, Arunthathiyars remain backward in every respect. Only in recent times have there been attempts by Dalit activists to organise them.
The first major protest by Arunthathiyars was their boycott of elections to the Lok Sabha in 2002 at Kalapatti village in Coimbatore district in protest against the government's failure to concede their long-pending demands, including permission to enter the temple. Neither the caste Hindu elders nor the leaders of the political parties, including those of the Sangh Parivar who had often used Arunthathiyars as cannon fodder supports them in their struggle.
In fact, violence was let loose on the protesting Arunthathiyars by a 200-strong mob. More than 100 of their houses were ransacked and their belongings damaged. Many huts were burnt down. Nearly 15 persons were seriously injured in the attack. The assailants also destroyed university certificates of many Arunthathiyar youth. The police assistance came late, though a police station was less than 7 km away from the trouble spot (Frontline, July 20, 2004).
S. Viswanathan
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/fline/fl2313/stories/20060714004904100.htm
Courtesy The Hindu
Just like the other sections of Dalits, they are segregated and required to do odd jobs such as burying dead cattle and digging graves. Worse, Arunthathiyars, particularly women, have been compelled for centuries to do the humiliating job of removing human excreta and cleaning dry latrines, which still exist in large numbers despite a ban. Like many other laws relating to Dalits, the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993, remains on paper. Arunthathiyars often complain of ill-treatment by not only caste Hindus, but also other sections of Dalits. Arunthathiyars are thus, apparently, the worst victims of untouchability.
Even in areas where they are said to be better off (such as western Tamil Nadu), Arunthathiyars silently suffer untouchability in its myriad forms - for instance, denial of access to common water sources, public roads and temples, shops and schools. Seldom do they protest their humiliation. Even the Dalit assertion in the 1990s after the birth centenary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar apparently made little impact on their situation. Bezwada Wilson of Andhra Pradesh, who led a spirited campaign for a Central government ban on manual scavenging, said: "The pity is also that we safai karamcharis [manual scavengers] did not accept Babasaheb Ambedkar as our leader when he thundered that this occupation should not be glorified [as Gandhi did] but banned with immediate effect. Divided within ourselves, we did not use the momentum of the rest of the Dalit movements to further our cause."
Many Pallars in southern Tamil Nadu and Parayars in the northern districts have become aware of their rights and privileges, thanks to their access to education. However, Arunthathiyars remain backward in every respect. Only in recent times have there been attempts by Dalit activists to organise them.
The first major protest by Arunthathiyars was their boycott of elections to the Lok Sabha in 2002 at Kalapatti village in Coimbatore district in protest against the government's failure to concede their long-pending demands, including permission to enter the temple. Neither the caste Hindu elders nor the leaders of the political parties, including those of the Sangh Parivar who had often used Arunthathiyars as cannon fodder supports them in their struggle.
In fact, violence was let loose on the protesting Arunthathiyars by a 200-strong mob. More than 100 of their houses were ransacked and their belongings damaged. Many huts were burnt down. Nearly 15 persons were seriously injured in the attack. The assailants also destroyed university certificates of many Arunthathiyar youth. The police assistance came late, though a police station was less than 7 km away from the trouble spot (Frontline, July 20, 2004).
S. Viswanathan
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/fline/fl2313/stories/20060714004904100.htm
Courtesy The Hindu
Some Dalits Are Even Less Equal
The Arunthathiyars bear the weight of caste oppression in Tamil Nadu, says R. Adhyaman
I belong to the Arunthathiyar community, the most oppressed of the Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu, where Dalits comprise 20 percent of the population. Of the 76 communities listed as SCS, the Paraiyars, the Pallars and the Arunthathiyars are the three main groups.Arunthathiyars constitute about one-third of the state’s Dalit population and live in miserable conditions, working as manual scavengers, cobblers and agricultural labourers. Thousands are employed as conservancy workers in civic bodies. Though they speak Telugu at home, their children go to Tamil medium schools and follow Tamil customs. We are Tamils and that’s why I have named my organisation the Adhi Thamizhar Peravai. All Dalits are not equal. Arunthathiyars are looked down upon by other SCS. We bear the whole weight of caste oppression. It is no secret that the two-tumbler system is still prevalent in many villages. But I have news for you. There are villages where they keep three tumblers in tea shops — one for the caste Hindu, one for the Arunthathiyar, and one for the non-Arunthathiyar Dalit. The Pallars and Paraiyars think they are superior to us. They don’t inter-marry with us. The two Dalit parties in the state, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal (VC, formerly known as Dalit Panthers of India) and Puthiya Thamizhagam, represent the interests of the Paraiyars and the Pallars respectively. In the last Assembly elections, VC contested nine seats as part of the AIADMK front and all nine candidates belonged to the Paraiyar community.There are 44 reserved seats in the Assembly, but Arunthathiyars have never won more than five seats. At present, there are three Arunthathiyar MLAS — two in the DMK and one in the AIADMK. Paraiyars are the majority in the northern districts, Pallars in the southern districts, and Arunthathiyars in the western districts. No one except a Paraiyar can contest a reserved seat in the north. Pallars rule the roost in the south. But when it comes to areas where we are in majority, this rule does not apply. Parties field non- Arunthathiyars and win. The benefits of reservation for Dalits in Tamil Nadu have gone to Pallars and Paraiyars. There is 18 percent reservation for SCS. Our demand is that six percent of it should be earmarked for Arunthathiyars. We have represented our demands to Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi and he has promised to consider the matter. We have also asked him to take steps to abolish manual scavenging. The CM granted one of our demands and formed a welfare board for conservancy workers. Adhiyaman is founder president, Adhi Thamizhar Peravai, a Dalit social movement. As told to PC Vinoj Kumar
Sep 01 , 2007
http://www.tehelka.com/story_main33.asp?filename=hub010907shadowlines.asp
courtesy TEHELKA
I belong to the Arunthathiyar community, the most oppressed of the Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu, where Dalits comprise 20 percent of the population. Of the 76 communities listed as SCS, the Paraiyars, the Pallars and the Arunthathiyars are the three main groups.Arunthathiyars constitute about one-third of the state’s Dalit population and live in miserable conditions, working as manual scavengers, cobblers and agricultural labourers. Thousands are employed as conservancy workers in civic bodies. Though they speak Telugu at home, their children go to Tamil medium schools and follow Tamil customs. We are Tamils and that’s why I have named my organisation the Adhi Thamizhar Peravai. All Dalits are not equal. Arunthathiyars are looked down upon by other SCS. We bear the whole weight of caste oppression. It is no secret that the two-tumbler system is still prevalent in many villages. But I have news for you. There are villages where they keep three tumblers in tea shops — one for the caste Hindu, one for the Arunthathiyar, and one for the non-Arunthathiyar Dalit. The Pallars and Paraiyars think they are superior to us. They don’t inter-marry with us. The two Dalit parties in the state, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal (VC, formerly known as Dalit Panthers of India) and Puthiya Thamizhagam, represent the interests of the Paraiyars and the Pallars respectively. In the last Assembly elections, VC contested nine seats as part of the AIADMK front and all nine candidates belonged to the Paraiyar community.There are 44 reserved seats in the Assembly, but Arunthathiyars have never won more than five seats. At present, there are three Arunthathiyar MLAS — two in the DMK and one in the AIADMK. Paraiyars are the majority in the northern districts, Pallars in the southern districts, and Arunthathiyars in the western districts. No one except a Paraiyar can contest a reserved seat in the north. Pallars rule the roost in the south. But when it comes to areas where we are in majority, this rule does not apply. Parties field non- Arunthathiyars and win. The benefits of reservation for Dalits in Tamil Nadu have gone to Pallars and Paraiyars. There is 18 percent reservation for SCS. Our demand is that six percent of it should be earmarked for Arunthathiyars. We have represented our demands to Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi and he has promised to consider the matter. We have also asked him to take steps to abolish manual scavenging. The CM granted one of our demands and formed a welfare board for conservancy workers. Adhiyaman is founder president, Adhi Thamizhar Peravai, a Dalit social movement. As told to PC Vinoj Kumar
Sep 01 , 2007
http://www.tehelka.com/story_main33.asp?filename=hub010907shadowlines.asp
courtesy TEHELKA
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