Dalit Camera: Through Un-Touchable Eyes

Dalit Camera: Through Un-Touchable Eyes One year ago, a Dalit (Arunthathiyar) women Panchayat President was brutally attacked. She did a remarkable job in her Panchayat as a Panchayat President. This was the fourth Dalit Panchayat President who was attacked. She is the only one to survive. The entire Arunthathiyar movement was protesting. I also wanted to contribute to the protest, so I made a documentary [Check the link: Ms.Krishnaveni Panchayat President victim of Caste system]. That was the beginning of what is today known as Dalit Camera. One of the Great Dalit leaders, Mr. Pasupathi Pandian, was brutally murdered in Tamil Nadu. Many Dalits leaders, irrespective of their sub-caste, remarked that Pasupathi Pandian was one among the very few who talked about equality for all. Despite such widely-shared opinions, there are no videos of that great leader to tell us his views (despite which however, I have to say, his contribution to Dalits in Tamil Nadu can never be erased from history). His short brief life can be read in the following link. "I am not a slave and don't make me a slave"- Annan Pasupathi Pandian, a tribute Hence, a question as well as an idea arose: why are such great person’s views and histories not recorded during their lifetime, but so vociferously remembered only once they are dead? Therefore, I thought it is important to record such people’s views and histories. In this, I can demonstrate Prof. Kancha ilaiha’s short biography here. In AP at this juncture, various Ambedkar Statues were desecrated and yet the responses from the Dalit movements were disappointingly few. Though at the beginning there were protests, later they died out. It was very very sad that on the day of Dr.Ambedkar Jayanthi, one of his statues was desecrated. While the Ambedkar Statue was desecrated in AP, dalit and Bahujan leaders were giving press statement which no mainstream media covered fully or extensively. At that point, I recorded the entire press conference and uploaded, to amend the casteist lacuna our mainstream media always exhibits in covering dalit events. Since then, I have started to record and attend many press conferences given by dalits. It was at this time that the Osmania University students were campaigning to serve beef in public place. I took all of their interviews. Osmania University students, especially Sudhershan introduced, and took me to various people on this issue. The ethics behind that was the realization that the food policy enjoyed and practiced in India is one of the major areas which we are not paying any attention to.(Dr.Veena Shatrugna: Indian Scientist has offered nothing...) Next came the Ambedkar cartoon controversy. While the entire left-liberal intelligentsia was snapping at the heels of the Dalit movements, I took a video of Dr. Satyanarayana on Ambedkar Cartoon which really contributed and changed the angle and presuppositions of the discussion. Then in Lakshmipeta 5 dalits were brutally murdered, and Karthik Navayana introduced me to few activists. With their help, I went to the village and took interviews and covered various activities on the issue. It was also at this time when in AP Special Component Plan debate was going on, and many Dalits were not aware of it (which included me too). Hence I decided to take videos explaining what SCP is. Likewise, I have taken videos illuminating other important topics also, such as the Sc/ST Act, etc. One of the very important issues which I wanted to bring to dalit Camera was the Reservation policy, since in internet public spheres like the video-sharing site youtube one finds only anti-reservation arguments. In this growing cyber-dependant age, dalits don’t have much to learn from them. Hence I thought it will be paramount to fill the gap. Also the issue of Caste and Indian judiciary was another important area Dalit Camera covered. We want to categorically stress that Dalit Camera has not contributed anything new to the dalit movement. It just took the videos of activists on the ground and also took interviews of people. In that sense, Dalit camera does a work of a chronicler and that of a postman. In doing so, Dalit camera also learnt a lot from the activists. There are many activists among Dalits who are sold to the mainstream; they have also compromised with their agenda. However, there are many Dalit activists who are sincerely and tirelessly working on the issues. Dalit camera is indebted to them. It is due to their views and opinions recorded on video that people today are appreciating Dalit Camera. These activists are perpetually facing difficulty in mobilizing funds and people for their protest, and to multiply their troubles, they don’t get media attention too. Hence this camera focuses on them. Dalit camera doesn’t deserve more attention than the movement. Another very important lesson we have learnt is from the Dalit magazines. One of the Dalit magazines which are at par with the mainstream media in Tamil Nadu is Dalit Murasu. This magazine has contributed so many things to the Dalit movements in Tamil Nadu. However, this magazine is now under severe financial crisis. The magazine might stop in future if there are no people to support it. Like this, there are so many other Dalit Magazines too. There are too many dalit activists out there bereft of any funding benefits to allow Dalit Camera to feel self-important enough to ask for generous contributions for itself alone. Problem with the present Camera: The camera we use for Dalit camera is an entry-level still camera, where the audio and video cannot be adjusted. Many-a-times, the video which was taken in this camera becomes corrupt. Few problems we constantly face are the corruption of video files, and lack of good audio quality. To achieve good sound quality in this camera, the interviews have be taken outdoor without any background disturbance. Often, we don’t get such a situation. Taking video after the sun goes down becomes a problem (especially lighting). Even if we take the video in a room with lights on then we experience the problem of unwanted echo. Some of the speakers are, obviously, only free at night. Hence, we thought it would be expedient for us to buy a camera with an external mike. The approximate budget for the video camera is Rs 45,000/- (Sony handy cam). How are we Mobilizing Money? We have experienced a dilemma in how to mobilize money for the camera. With lessons learnt from the dalit activists, we have decided to collect money of an amount which can be spared by anyone, of whatever economic means, working out there for the dalit cause, for the camera, because the camera is for them. In its supplementary role of a post-man, Dalit Camera needs only minimum contribution from all, since the movements need a lot more support than the Dalit camera. We are asking for rupees one hundred only from each individual, and not more than that at any cost. The other reason for fixing the financial policy is the expenses will not stop here. Today we might be requiring a Handy Cam with external Mike, tomorrow we might need an external Hard Disk to store all the videos, and a website to make it user friendly. While taking videos we are also getting huge amount of materials which might be useful for many people. Hence we are also planning to have a space in internet to collect and collate all the pamphlets and booklets etc in a database. As a result we also require a website to keep track of the posting and updates. In future, we may also need to get a better internet connection. At present we have three Dalit cameras excluding the present one. Those three will be operating in different states, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and New Delhi. We have to wait and see what will happen in future. Dalit Camera is still at an embryonic stage, and at this juncture, the committee is seriously considering the creation of a sustainable source to allow the Camera to survive, without becoming a burden on anyone. Hence, we have decided to collect only Rs. 100 from each person. If anyone wants to give more than that s/he can contribute on behalf of others. Also we need sustainable money to keep this camera going. At the outset, we thought we will earn through the advertisements Youtube adds to the content. Sadly, Youtube is earning a lot and giving us a pittance, which seems to us to be a clear case of exploitation. Hence we thought it is not worth to use advertisements in the videos.

In defense of the democratic struggle against Shankar's cartoon

Sign the petition The misrepresentation of Babasaheb Dr B.R. Ambedkar in an NCERT Textbook is a national shame. Blessed are the dehumanized/ For they have nothing to lose/ But their patience. —Keorapetse Kgositsile, “Mandela’s Sermon” When NCERT’s Class XI Political Science textbook, Indian Constitution at Work, came to the attention of some Dalit activists in early April, they objected to the manner in which the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution, Dr B.R. Ambedkar, had been depicted riding a snail representing the Constitution, with prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru wielding a whip behind him and an entire crowd smiling and watching the spectacle (p.18). Six weeks later the issue was raised in parliament and a chorus of MPs cutting across party lines sought the withdrawal of the cartoon, and some even of the NCERT textbooks. Many sections of the public have not been privy to the contents of the textbook in the past six years. It is only now that these textbooks are being debated. We, the undersigned, are dismayed by the two polarized sets of reactions that have emerged. Firstly, many members who were part of the textbook advisory committee for the senior secondary level, including Chairman of the committee Hari Vasudevan, and Chief Advisors Suhas Palshikar and Yogendra Yadav, have opposed the demand for reconsidering the use of this insensitive cartoon. Subsequently, many members who have been part of various Textbook Development Committees have argued that the textbooks remain unchanged; and have been silent about the violence of the cartoons. This is a rather untenable position. We find it insulting that some intellectuals suggest that people protesting the cartoon fail to understand the “productive power of laughter” or that there’s a “fear of cartoons”. The textbooks, however good they are, and even if they mark a radical departure from past efforts, cannot be above criticism, discussion and improvement. This logic, in fact, goes against the stated aim of these textbooks: to engage skeptically and critically with what one reads. Indeed, each of the new NCERT textbooks solicits feedback, criticism and suggestions. The textbook writers may have tried their best to overcome their caste bias, but none of us is exempt from the baggage of caste, gender or other interests. As the feminist movement has clearly shown, humour is by no means exempt from prejudice. Cartoons and jokes can be vicious about minorities. Hate speech often masquerades as humour. Jokes and cartoons need to be subjected to critical scrutiny. Secondly, we do share the fear that in the name of handling the contentious cartoon on Dr Ambedkar, the UPA government might well use the opportunity to attempt to remove many cartoons and other visual/textual material from the textbooks. Crucially, these textbooks feature several posters from women’s movement, the Dalit movement and environmental movements. Also to be commended is the inclusion of a wide range of literary texts by Dalit writers. However, the textbook writers must realize that they have not done a favour to Dalits by such inclusion which was long overdue. There’s much that is good about these textbooks—a result of the pressures that the women’s movement, the Dalit movement, environmental and farmers movements, anti-SEZ mobilisations etc—that may be lost if the final say about what may or may not appear in a textbook is to be with the state. These textbooks have been drafted collectively by a range of social scientists, including some who happen to be Dalit, and in consultation with activists, NGO representatives and educationists working at the field level. However, it is not as if these textbooks are completely error-proof. Besides the offensive cartoon, the text in the Class XI textbook does not ever properly introduce Dr Ambedkar. The text does not inform the students that a Drafting Committee chaired by Dr Ambedkar drafted the Constitution. In the light of absence of proper discussion of Dr Ambedkar’s role in the Constituent Assembly, the violence of the cartoon is all the more palpable. We urge the Thorat Committee to make the necessary changes in the text as well. We wish to express dismay over the adamantine attitude of some of our academic friends who seem to treat the cartoon as sacrosanct. The implication that “dalit intellectuals have unwittingly played into the strategies of politicians” is indefensible to say the least. The lack of empathy on the part of the “intellectual classes” towards the Dalit viewpoint has been distressing. The Dalit question has always been historically deflected and postponed in this manner. When Dr Ambedkar and the early Dalit movements raised the question of caste, the nationalist movement said the anticolonial struggle was more important; when the issue of caste was raised in the feminist or left movements, it was considered divisive; when Adivasis raised the question of representation in the leadership of dam evictees’ movements, the stopping of the dam was made paramount. We also wish to bring to your attention that many Dalit activists and scholars, including some young Dalit students in the University of Pune, not only condemned the act of vandalism at the office of Prof Palshikar, but even guarded his office during the attack. This went unreported in the media. We are however deeply saddened that because of this one aberrant act, the otherwise democratic and rational engagement with this issue that Dalits and some non-Dalit intellectuals opposed to the cartoon have engaged in—through news media, blogs, Facebook, and the internet—has been portrayed as emotional and infantile. The Dalit movement has been one of the most democratic movements in this country. And for Dalits a whip is a vulgar reminder of everything feudal and casteist about this society. As the Dalitbahujan feminist blog Savari says: “The whip is inseparable from violence against slaves, dalits, women, animals and children. Almost all histories of protest against injustice, be it feminism, anti-slavery, anti-caste or anti-apartheid movements have protested and continue to protest the symbolic violence in imagery that uses instruments of violence such as the whip, noose or chains.” That the advocates of critical pedagogy do not see this as such is regrettable. It is time we realized that there is a permeable boundary between the symbolic violence of such a cartoon, and the tolerance of such cartoons by academics on the one hand, and atrocities like Bathani Tola, Melavalavu, Chunduru or Khairlanji on the other. These two sites of struggle are not non-permeable. Quite often the iconicity of Dr Ambedkar has been used by Dalits to assert their democratic rights. And the struggle against the cartoon is indeed a democratic struggle—even if the mainstream and alternative media have portrayed it as otherwise. At this stage, we petition the Thorat Committee set up to examine the textbooks to reconsider the Ambedkar cartoon (and possibly other such insensitive material). While we demand that the NCERT take into account the wide range of criticisms and feedback the textbooks have elicited, we also urge Kapil Sibal, the Union HRD Minister, to desist from seeking any major overhaul of the basic National Curriculum Framework on which the textbooks are based. We also think this is the occasion to seek fair representation of Dalits and other social minorities in NCERT’s various committees, as well as in the Senates and Syndicates of Central and State Universities; and to introspect on why Dalits and Adivasis, despite constitutional provisions for 22.5 percent reservation, occupy less than 3 percent of faculty positions in academic institutions. Sd/ 7 June 2012 1. Omprakash Valmiki, author of Joothan; Dehradun 2. Namdeo Dhasal, founder Dalit Panther, and winner of Golden Jubilee Sahitya Akademi award; Mumbai 3. Bama, author of Karukku and Sangati; Uttiramerur, Tamil Nadu 4. Siddalingaiah, founder Dalit Sangharsha Samiti and former legislator; author of Ooru-Keri; Bengaluru 5. Urmila Pawar, author of Aydaan: The Weave of My Life; Mumbai 6. G. Kalyan Rao, author of Untouchable Spring (‘Antarani Vasantam’ in Telugu) 7. Imayam, author of Beasts of Burden (Tamil) 8. Ravikumar, author Venomous Touch; editor, OUP Anthology of Tamil Dalit Writing; former legislator, Tamil Nadu 9. Ruth Manorama, National Convenor, National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW) 10. K. Satyanarayana, co-editor, No Alphabet in Sight: New Dalit Writing from South India, and Associate Professor, The English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad 11. Susie Tharu, co-editor, No Alphabet in Sight: New Dalit Writing from South India; founder-member, Anveshi, Hyderabad 12. Anoop Kumar, activist, New Delhi 13. S. Anand, publisher, Navayana, New Delhi 14. Sushrut Jadhav, Senior Lecturer in Cross-Cultural Psychiatry, University College, London 15. M.R. Renukumar, artist, poet and activist; Kerala 16. Rekha Raj, scholar and activist; Kerala 17. Unnamati Syama Sundar, cartoonist, and research scholar, JNU, New Delhi 18. Gurram Srinivas, Asst Professor, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, JNU, Delhi 19. Ravichandran, director, “Dalit Camera”, a youtube channel on dalit issues, Hyderabad 20. Ajay Navaria, Hindi writer; Associate Professor, Hindi Dept, Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi 21. Anita Bharti, Hindi writer and social activist, New Delhi 22. Rajni Tilak, Hindi poet; secretary, Rashtriya Dalit Mahila Andolan; New Delhi 23. Sheel Bodhi, Dalit Lekhak Sangh; New Delhi 24. Gogu Shyamala, Telugu writer, activist and scholar; fellow, Anveshi, Hyderabad 25. P. Sivakami, political activist, and author of The Grip of Change and Anandhayee (Tamil) 26. Paul Divakar, National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, New Delhi 27. Sharmila Rege, Director, Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women’s Studies Centre, Pune Univ 28. Raj Kumar, Associate Professor, Department of English, Delhi University 29. N. Sukumar, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, Delhi University 30. Hany Babu, Associate Professor, Dept of English, Delhi University 31. Sanal Mohan, Assoc. Professor, School of Social Sciences, M.G. University, Kottayam 32. Rajkumar, Associate Professor, Dayal Singh College, Delhi 33. Ajay Skaria, historian, University of Minnesota, US 34. Radhika Menon, publisher, Tulika Books, Chennai 35. Meena Kandasamy, poet, author of Ms Militancy; Chennai 36. V. Geetha, historian, and editor, Tara Books, Chennai 37. S. Japhet, Director, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy (CSSEIP); National Law School of India University, Bengaluru 38. Uma Chakravarti, historian; contributor to Class XII NCERT history textbook; New Delhi 39. Gail Omvedt, scholar and chronicler of the Dalit movement; Kasegaon, Maharashtra 40. Bharat Patankar, Sharmik Mukti Dal; Kasegaon, Maharashtra 41. Ivan Kostka, publisher and editor-in-chief, Forward Press, New Delhi 42. Pramod Ranjan, Editor (Hindi), Forward Press, New Delhi 43. Umakant, independent researcher and human rights advocate, Delhi Why People Are Signing

Telengana Garjana: What the Political party TRS,TDP, INC,BJP wanted?

Hi
Recently i happened to attend a talk delivered by Mr. Sudharshan, who is pursuing PhD at osmania University. He was closely associated with Telengana Osmania University JAC. Also he often writes in Telugu daliy, on Dalit Telengana, Beef eating. In some occasion he was also invited to for live debate in regional channels.

In this video he speaks about the Students Telengana movement: Few points i give below from the video.

The difference between the Telengana movement earlier and now. Earlier movement many people died by police firing in recent telengana movement many students immolated themselves.

KCR did not have a new paper and a TV channel before the Students movement.

Jagan Mohan Reddy, had 150 MLA's in support of him, after the movement he has only 14 MLA's.

You have a statue for an immagination figure like "Telengana Tali" (Telengana mothergoddess) but you dont have a statue for a tribal leader "Koomaram Bheem" or a bhaujan figure "Chaakali Ilamma".

People broke statue in Tankband, but still there are statues across the Telengana region. And also there was only one statue of a Dalit poet, his statue was broken.

Telengana movement says we are against Andhra. Which Andhra they are against, are they against OBC,SC,ST,Minorities. Because these people do not have any say in power politics. Therefore Telengana leaders should say they are against Reddy's, Naidus etc.

KCR from an Upper Caste community doesnt want a telengana, but Dalits, OBC, ST, Minorities need Telengana.But the sad part is the Students movement at one point was threatening the power structure, but all the political party including congress, TRS, TDP, etc supressed the students movement, and made sure the Telengana movement under KCR's control.

Therefore at present if KCR says protest, they would protest.These are few point, please do watch the video and do send it to people. The audio is in Telugu.Every person has to watch.Last one point, when KCR broke the fast the Osmania Students wrote Pluckcards saying: juice kaagthuraa ma ratham thaagura, juice kaathura ma uithcha thaagura.

(Dont drink Juice drink our blood, Dont drink juice drink our Urine)





If the video doesnot work click this link

With Regards

The new form of Anti-Resrvation argument by Dr. Ajay Gudavarthy

The Castist’s Anger on Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s Statue: A small report of the politics behind the Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s Statue.

Recently around 7 statues of Dr. Ambedkar were desegregated; one was defiled on 26 January 2012. The 63rd Republic day celebration, was observed as a Black day by Dalit community and also they host black flags in protest.

The first and many of the Statues were desegregated in Amalapuram. The incident has rocked the Andhra Pradesh with many districts calling for bandh and on 30 January 2011, all the political party except Congress has given a call for bandh. The revolutionary singer Baldeer Gaddar says the police should arrest and bring out the political conspiracy behind this incident. This post will give a brief view of exactly what was the reason behind the incident. Prof. Kancha Ilaiya says you break one Ambedkar statue many will come.

Congress Party

This is a new battle within the congress after the YSR demises. YSR belongs to Reddy community and Reddy’s were a strong vote bank for the congress. After his death many leaders were fighting for the Chief Minister post. Y.S.R’s Son Jagan was trying his best to use his father’s clout to become the Chief Minister. The congress opposed. Till YSR was alive the congress party in Andhra Pradesh was within his control. Therefore after his death many people came out openly lashing at YSR. Since the Congress at the centre wanted to control the Andhra Pradesh congress, they denied giving any chance to Jagan Chief Ministership, thinking he would maintain his fathers clout. rejected Jagan floated a separate Part YSR Jagan party, this party has many chances of removing the maximum vote of Reddy population in the State. Therefore the Congress thought of a new alliance with some other community, it is only Kaapu, which is 12% in the state. Chiranjeeve is from a kaapu caste and he floated a party and had a good number of Kaapu support. And Congress and Chiranjeeve decided to align, therefore the Congress high command in delhi negotiated and made the Chiranjeeve party to merge with congress while giving important portfolio within the state. Hence, many seats were shuffled, and Dalit community became a scapegoat to woo the upper caste. As a result of Congress paying more attention to the Kaapu community, Dalits, Kammas, and the Andhra, Telengana, Rayalseema region people also came out openly against the Congress high command.

Therefore many communities within Congress expressed unhappiness and came out openly against the Congress high command.  The press too reported.

Those reports are:

Mr Harsh Kumar lamented that the party leadership is giving more importance to PR leaders than the SCs in the state who have been considered as a strong vote bank of the Congress for decades. “How can they give Cabinet posts to other communities who have not voted for Congress party in last elections and ignore SCs, BCs, STs and minorities who are the backbone of the party,” Mr Kumar wondered. He said that a legislator from the Mala community should have been inducted after the removal of Dr Shanker Rao from the Cabinet.

Some of the reports from the newspaper:

Postnoon

The proximity of APCC president Botsa Satyanarayana to Chiranjeevi, as both belong to Kapu community, too became a hot topic of debate.

Even as Azad was gearing up to meet the members of the coordination committee on the very first day on Saturday, Guntur MP Rayapati Sambasiva Rao became the first to drop a bombshell, expressing anguish over the shabby treatment being meted out to ‘Kammas’, the ruling community in the Telugu Desam Party.

“We have been fortifying the party for several decades. Ever since the TDP came into being, our support became even more crucial. But we feel dejected and let down as the party is not offering any positions to us in recognition of our services. We are a poorly relegated community,” he told reporters in the Secretariat.

Times of India:

Congmen flood Azad with requests, complaints:                 

..a large chunk of Congress leaders informed Azad about the sudden importance being extended to Kapu community leaders at the cost of sincere Congress workers from other sections of society.

The Pioneer:

Where one Congress MP from Andhra region directly held Azad responsible for the state of affairs in the party, another MP from Telangana region warned that the Congress will be wiped out if Telangana was not formed. Congress would be wiped out in Telengana.

All these opposition from the dominant caste or group, however when a Dalit MP from Amalapuram gave a statement many of the Ambedkar statues was desecrated.

Who is this Harsha Kumar?

Harsha Kumar, a Dalit leader, hails from Konaseema region where scheduled castes and the Kapus have bitter rivalry and cannot stand each others. Already Harsha Kumar who is from a Dalit community was opposed by YSR to contest lok sabha election. However, with his influence he got a ticket to context in his area Amalapuram. It is a general constitutency also in this particular region Kaapus and Malas (dalit community) always had a rival. Dalits in Amalapuram are the strongest votes to Congress. Therefore when Dalits were removed from important position and those were given to non-dalit community Harsha kumar opposed. It is also to be remembered that even Kamma’s another dominant group were against the Congress high command for wooing Kaapu community. Dalits say that they were voting for congress , and Kaapus who contested against the congress is now given more priority and dalits are looked down upon.

Harsha Kumar also questioned the wisdom and the rationale behind not taking any Scheduled Caste representative in place of minister P Shankar Rao, who was sacked from the Cabinet.

He said Azad was responsible for this situation in which the Dalits were feeling neglected by the Congress party. He said that the castes which had played an important role in bringing the Congress party to power in the State were being ignored by the party.

As a response to him, the Kaapus in that region broke Ambedkar’s statue. Dalits protested against the act but still more statues of Dr. Ambedkar was defiled. Few media act too add more to the insult, they said dalit icon Dr.Ambedkar. It was none other than Deccan Chronicle IBNLive:  NDTV:   Daily pioneer:

many more like this and few addressed just his name without even giving respect: NDTV

etc. These mainstream English media never had any discussion on this matter. Which means they support the violence of the upper caste. In other words, these same media talks once in a week about Mayawathi statue, and say it is useless. And now these media’s are not talking about why the upper caste breaking the Dr. Baba Sahed B.R. Ambedkar’s statue. To put in black and white these media too do not want any dalit’s statue to be present therefore the media oppose the move in the name of ‘progressive’ and the upper caste in ground level break them.

Also adding to the point these media’s never ever had any discussion on Caste discrimination, rather they would always speak about anti-reservation and Mayawathi’s statue.Though every one knew, even few politicians and the press(not the Hindu), spoke about the caste tension between Kaapus and Malas. The police did not take any action. After the Dalits across the state protested, the police caught hold of three Dalits and blamed them as responsible. And also told they did it while they were drunk. It is so surprising that till before Harsha kumar spoke no drunkards ever broke, as soon as Harsha kumar spoke about the Kaapus, these drunkards broke. When few of the political leaders and Osmania University representation met Home ministry and told about the arrest, as a reply the Home minister laughed.

Mr. Krishank   says those three were from Scavenging community. Also he says that from the Ralegan siddhi to Amalapuram there is a big conspiracy against Dalits, Adivasi, Muslim, OBC.

Though all the political movement expect Congress called for a bandh, the mainstream media said dalits have called the bandh. Which was another insult and humiliation to the dalit movement. Where the media’s never allow Dalits, Adivasi, Muslim and OBC’s to come under one platform. The bandh had a big impact, though the media said everything went normal. On the day of Bandh few national English media approached approached OU Sc/St President Mr. Kumarasamy , hoping there would have been some violence, but they did not hear anything in the campus. Hence they did not publish the report.A popular English media which fools dalits often saying they are progressive, published a news Claiming An OU student, Krishank, later called up and informed media persons that he was responsible for the incident. When I enquired Krishank said he never called the media or they called him. Mr. Kumarasamy also feels that all political parties are just giving statements and doing nothing. 

 Today i was speaking to a person from police department, I asked about the ambedkar statue desecration in Amalapuram. He said in those districts if a police officer has to be posted, the respective officer should assure that he will not allow anyone to file any case under the SC/ST atrocity act.

More about Krishank click Postnoon

watch more video:

Ambedkar Statue Desecreation: Response from various leaders

Talks about the bandh called in AP its responses. And also opposses the hindu and indian express for giving wrong statement about him.




"The National english media came to him and asked thinking there would have been some violence, the media asked did you or your friend break something, when he replied no, they felt dejected." This is how the national media responds to dalits.

CASTE ATROCITY IN LATHOR, BOLANGIR DISTRICT OF ODISHA. MORE THAN 50 HOUSES ARE BURNT BY UPPER castes on 22/1/12.

by jadumanilion@gmail.com, dhratnakumar@gmail.com , 0827553438, 08806436110
A small boy’s incident took the shape of caste violence in Lathor, Balangir district of Odisha. The incident started at 3.00pm at lathor ,a 9th class dalit boy Ganesh Suna used to wear 2shirts every day but today he wear only a shirt, but he went to purchase a shirt and wear it over that shirt, but shopkeepers Bharat Meher and his brother Daya Meher , called him back and accused him as a thief and beat him . When the boy was returning to home helplessly at that time he met to an old man Gouranga Suna and told about the incident and by responding to the shopkeeper s the old man told that why do you beat him? If he has stolen the shirt we can pay the money for that but you should not had to beaten him, but, the shopkeepers did not listen him and beat to the old man (Gouranga Suna) too by their foot wears. Then the old man reported to his family members, and then 4/5 youth from Dalit community went to the shop and fought with them. This is the fact matter occurred at the beginning of the incident and in this way feeling of hatred created between dalit (Asavarna) and upper caste (Savarna), and upper caste take the advantage of being majority heavy over the dalit minority.
By taking the advantage of the situation, the upper castes reaction to this incident and attacked by their weapons, stick, and muscles power and fought against Dalits. Because Dalit were minority in number so they could not face the violent force of upper castes mob. So Dalit tried to save them from this brutal violence and run way from their home. Some dalit men went to the forest, some went to the nearest villages and the women saved themselves in other untouchable Ghasia Vasti (Scavenger) and saved their life. In this way the upper castes created fear among dalit.
Even the violent upper castes people looted gold ornaments and expensive materials. They burnt all the certificates of the students and other kind of valuables documents. At the same time they abused to all dalit women with derogatory language. Even the upper caste trader people like Marwadi Agrawal distributed liquor and petrol freely to ruin the dalit houses. Meanwhile some dalit tried to register an affair in the Lathor police station but police refuse to register the case and unable to handle the catastrophic situation. The Incident became very serious goes up to a level where no one able stops the upper castes; even they beat to a local news reporter of Kanak TV and threatened to The Dharitri reporter Bhubaneswar Barik . By marching they blocked all the road communication facilities and burnt tyre on the road and dug the road by which communication can be stopped towards Lathor.
The burning goes up to more than 6th hour according to OTV news channel but fact is that it’s more than 6 hour from the dalit people report and eyes witness. The Upper castes mob fearlessly attacked to fire brigade and brunt their vehicle so that the fire could not stop and they can burn all the houses. Since, nobody has courage to off the burning so everything changed in to ashes. From the current report there are no single commodities and food grains which are left out for their uses until the case is registered and fire brigade stop the fire. Police reached there at mid night and tried to protect the victimized dalit people.
On the 23 January, in the morning police high authority DIG reached to the spot with another battalion and ordered the fire brigade commandos to stop the fire. When fire was stopped at that time there was nothing which can be collected for their use. Then after the government following the case, in the late morning at 10 or 11 am the administrative officers Tahasildar and BDO reached to investigate the incident. The officers took the homeless dalit in to a Govt School and provided some kind of relief and distributed some Biscuits, Shawls and Chuda. The distributed things are useless which cannot be eaten which are low in quality. The rehabilitation programme taken by government is insufficient. And all homeless dalit accommodate in a Govt school of the particular village. The victimized and homeless dalit people need proper rehabilitation, adequate help and emotional support.
Dalit are lost their houses, property, wealth, clothes bikes, books and they are hopeless and homeless. More than 4 crores wealth has been lost. Whole Dalit Vasti is being burnt, where more than 50 fifty families were living, there is nothing to collect from the home, and they lost everything. The children women and men are displaced from the home. The rehabilitation programme which is taken by the government is insufficient; all the people are rehabilitated in a government school. Imagine the situation is very pathetic, people are crying, such a brutal attacked by the caste Hindu nobody can think on the issue even Police and administration are unable to give justice.
From TV report the Odisha Chief Minister declared to give 1 lakhs to each victimized family as compensation.
These are the victimized dalit families:

 

SL NO	Name of the Victims	Male No	Female No	Boy Age under 14	Girl Age under 14
1	Gouranga Suna	2	3	1	1
2	Byasa Suna	1	2	2
3	Nilanchala Suna	3	2	-
4	Rajhansa Suna	2	1	1
5	Simanchal Suna	1	2	4	-
6	Trinatha Tandi	4	4	-	-
7	Dolamani Tandi	1	1	-	1
8	Sikun Bag	1	2	3
9	Mahendra Suna	6	3	1	-
10	Lakhsman Suna	3	3	-	-
11	Mukhiaru Suna	1	2	1	-
12	Karunakar Suna	1	2	2	-
13	Bhadra Suna	2	2	-	-
14	Sankritan Suna	2	3	-	-
15	Akrura Suna	1	2		1
16	Madan Suna	1	1	1	-
17	Pradeep Suna	3	3	-	-
18	Dalaganjan Suna	1	2	3	-
19	Tunu Suna	1	2	3	-
20	Kadam Sagadia	1	1	4	-
21	Kangres Sagadia	2	2	2	-
22	Shankar Sagdia	3	5	-	-
23	Rameshwar Tandi	2	2	-	-
24	Kalindri Suna	1	2	-	2
25	Tine Suna	2	1	-	-
26	Dhanu Suna	3	2	1	1
27	Biranchi Suna	3	2	2	-
28	Jaganath Tandi	1	1	1	-
29	Pati Sagadia	2	2	2	4
30	Dinesh Suna	2	1	-	-
31	Kanhu Suna	3	1	1	-
32	Pancha Suna	1	2	1	1
33	Kialash Suna	1	1	2	-
34	Gulapi Suna	-	2	1	2
35	Firoj Suna	1	1	2	-
	TOTAL	65	70	41	13

 This is a fact data we collected by the reasonable resources. There are more victimized people whose name is to be enlisted.
These are the picture from the incident which speaks about the caste violence and burnt houses.
1- The burnt materials are thrown out from the home-

These are the
burnt and broken buildings. 




Documents, utensils and houses are destroyed. More than 4 crores of property have been lost.


The helpless women and innocent children are in the Govt School (relief camp).
These are the up dated news many more facts and details are yet to come……
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